Between Sydney and Jerusalem

by Deganit Senker, former Director-General of the Ministry of Aliyah and Absorption and current Board Chairperson of Ofek Israeli, dedicated to encouraging and supporting Aliyah, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The murderous terrorist attack in Sydney, Australia last week was not just another "security incident" in a far-off country. This moment of deep crisis for Australian Jewry was another rung up the ladder of anti-Semitic escalation that has accompanied the Jewish people for at least the last decade, and especially since the Simchat Torah massacre over two years ago.

For the State of Israel, it is also a moment of testing: Will the State of Israel realize its responsibility to world Jewry, will it raise the gauntlet of leadership, and will it realize the direction connection between Jewish security around the world and the future of the Jewish national state?

Over the past decade, we have been witness to a steady and troubling rise in anti-Semitic incidents around the world. It has gotten worse over the past two years, to be sure, but the trend started well before. As early as 2015, with the attack on the HyperCacher kosher supermarket in Paris (17 murdered), and in 2017 with the brutal murder of Dr. Sarah Halimi, also in Paris, it became clear that Jews were once again no longer safe, even in the heart of democratic Europe. The Jewish response was swift: In the following year, approximately 7,500 Jews immigrated to Israel from France, compared to a previous annual average of some 2,200.

Nor has there been a shortage of attacks of varying intensity since then. There was the Pittsburgh temple massacre in 2018, the deadly supermarket shooting in Jersey City in 2019, and the fatal stabbing at a Chanukah celebration in Monsey the same year. The Corona plague was known in Jewish circles not only for the deaths it brought in its wake, but also for the anti-Semitic conspiracy theories it aroused. The pattern has become clear: Rising hatred, bursting violence, and then a Jewish arousal as the Children of Israel seek security, identity, and belonging.

Et Tu, Australia?

Even though the format began to become familiar, not many expected it to happen in Australia as well. This far-off, liberal country, with strict weapons laws, and with a healthy Jewish community strongly integrated into society at large, abruptly became an anti-Semitic terrorism arena. As of now, 15 Jews have died as a result of the Bondi Beach mass shooting, and 38 were injured, including children and Holocaust survivors. An incident of this type in a democratic, stable country that has long been considered safe for Jews is a flashing warning light to the entire Jewish world.

Aliyah from Australia is not tremendously dramatic – about 100 to 150 Jews "come home" each year. On the other hand, the Jewish leadership in Australia reports a threefold increase in anti-Semitic incidents in the country – a profoundly troubling trend.

And Australia is not alone. Amsterdam, a city well identified with liberalism and tolerance, has registered of late several violent anti-Semitic attacks that have shaken its Jewish community. In Great Britain, the Jewish population has suffered a clear erosion in personal security over the past two years. Increasingly more British Jews are considering, for the first time, making Aliyah. In fact, the number of olim from England has nearly doubled.

Violence is not the only issue. Lighting Chanukah candles in one's home window has become a hot topic in many places, as has the wearing of yarmulkes. Children wearing clearly Jewish garb on their way to school and Kosher slaughter are often problematic. In general, many Jews around the world are experiencing a shake-up of their sense of identity.

Israel and the Aliyah Question

Where does Israel fit into all this? Some Israelis have long felt that anti-Semitism abroad is a "Diaspora problem," and that Aliyah is a personal choice of the Jews involved. This is a fundamental error. Anti-Semitism and Aliyah are two sides of the same coin. When communal security is shaken, some members react by strengthening their local Jewish institutions and identity, some choose to make Aliyah, and some react, most painfully, by hiding their Jewishness.

It appears that Israel has three roles to play in this crisis. First: defense of Jewish life abroad. Israel has advanced capabilities in the spheres of security intelligence and technology, and is actually an international defense-tech superpower. As such, it can and should be an active partner in protecting Jewish institutions around the world, in cooperation of course with the local governments.

Number two is community strength and resilience. Israel has developed over the past years and decades advanced models for coping with community-wide and individual trauma, as can be seen in the rehabilitation of communities in the western Negev following Oct. 7th. The knowledge and experience gained from the cooperation to this end between the State, local government, and civilian groups and individuals, can be used to serve Jewish communities around the world that have been hit hard by anti-Semitism.

Third, and arguably most importantly, is Aliyah. Israel is far from a beginner in this area. A deep, professional and well-coordinated infrastructure has been built in recent years here to encourage and absorb immigration, led by the Ministry of Aliyah in close partnership with the Jewish Agency and World Zionist Organization. These bodies work efficiently to enhance absorption, employment, housing, and community support for Olim. These ongoing efforts must be redoubled through genuine dialogue with Diaspora communal leaders and local Aliyah-promotion organizations.

Our Common Destiny

The heart of the matter is the sense, both in Israel and abroad, of the common Jewish destiny we all share. There is no longer a substantial difference between what happens in Jerusalem or in Sydney, London, Amsterdam, and New York. Decisions that are made in Israel, whether they concern defense, economics, and even Jewish values, echo directly upon the daily lives of Jews the world over. And by the same measure, the sense of fear in the Diaspora is translated here in Israel into life choices: strengthening of identity, Aliyah, or deep dread of the future.

The expanse between Aliyah and Jewish communal strength does not comprise two different subjects; it is rather one consecutive continuum, in which is tested the State of Israel's ability to be not only a sovereign state, but also the general and ultimate home for every Jew around the world. 

It's Not the Economy, Stupid!

by Professor Asher Cohen, Department of Political Studies, Bar Ilan University, (written for the religious zionist periodical - Matzav Haruach) translated by Hillel Fendel. 

The key slogan in Bill Clinton’s US Presidential election campaign more than 30 years ago – “It's the economy, stupid!” – is considered even now one of the most successful lines in the history of political propaganda. 

Clinton’s advisors understood that the vast majority of Americans are interested, more than anything else, in economic issues, and especially as they relate to their own individual financial situations. This insight was one of the factors that led to his victory. In terms of American domestic issues, this is certainly logical and understandable.

But it is totally irrelevant to the Middle East, and the problem is that President Donald Trump has adopted the same spirit as part of his dream to reorganize and reorder the world. He is waging his great struggle for a new world order against China, and more broadly against the China-Russia axis and their partners around the world. One might be tempted to view this as a battle of ideologies, between the world’s leading democracy against two non-democratic powers – but this is far from the case. 

Trump's objective is not ideology as much as it to simply stop the Chinese. He is willing to forge political partnerships with regimes very far from being democratic on the basis of national interests alone. All he demands is that they be willing to help him block the Chinese; the question of national identity and ideology is far less important to him. Even states that are willing to join his alliances against the Chinese even as they support terrorism are most welcome.

Trump, with his business and deal-making experience and background, believes that almost any challenge in international relations can be solved through various economic incentives. Many in Israel have been of this mindset in the past, and some remain there to this day. The “New Middle East” envisioned by Shimon Peres rested entirely on the hope for a dramatic improvement in the Palestinians’ economic lives, which he hoped and expected would lead them to choose peace and compromise over their hatred for Israel. 

Remnants of this approach continued for years afterwards, up to this day, under a basic assumption that economic improvement for PA residents - more work entry permits, a flow of funds into Gaza, etc. - would lead to security calm. 

Israel understood too late, after paying the terrible and painful price of the Oct. 7th massacre, that the issue of ethnic identity is much more central to our Arab enemies than financial interests. People with an economic-business outlook, such as Pres. Trump and Israeli adherents of the Peres approach, are astonished to discover that even after the destruction of most of the Gaza Strip, the overwhelming majority of Gazans say that Oct. 7th was a positive event. Hamas continues even now to recruit more and more young people for the sacred goal of destroying Israel.

This can be seen in Lebanon as well. Even after the heavy blows it has suffered, Hizbullah does not give up for a moment what it describes as “the resistance.” Its members seek not to rebuild the villages of southern Lebanon, but to renew the terrorist infrastructures.

No improvement in their standard of living will get Hamas, and an overwhelming majority of all PA residents, to give up their basic identity – centered around their dream of destroying Israel. Arab-Palestinian identity in its essence is rooted in their hatred of Zionism and Zionists. To expect that they would abandon their goal of annihilating Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people is tantamount to demanding that they cease to be "Palestinians."

There is no Arab organization in the PA parallel to “Peace Now.” Periods of apparent calm are merely fillers as they wait for conditions to enable them to resume their fight-to-the-death against Israel. 

In Israel, there is a growing understanding that even countries that appear to be potential partners with the US in bringing "peace" to Gaza – Turkey and Qatar foremost among them – have never abandoned their fundamental conceptions. They view Gaza as a permanent focal point of violence and hatred against Israel, one that will seek to challenge, harass and weaken Israel at every turn until it realizes its dream of destroying the Jewish state. 

Even as the Americans seem to approach Gaza with an "art of the deal" outlook, Israel must stand its guard and be careful not to repeat the same mistake. Israel must oppose this American mindset in every possible way.

A Pardon for Israel's Sake, not Netanyahu's

based on an article by Emmanuel Shiloh, editor of the Besheva weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

For many in Israel - the growing population sector of critics of our national judicial system – the continuation of the Netanyahu trial is precisely what they would like to see. This is because they feel that so many judicial-ethical defects are being exposed in the running of the Netanyahu trial that allowing it to take its course is the best way to prove to the country that the judicial system needs a total overhaul. The list of flaws, to put it nicely, that have surfaced in this trial is too long and uncomplimentary for this column.

Perhaps one point that must be noted is that which seems to have irked US President Trump into actually pushing Israeli President Herzog to pardon our prime minister. That is that the justices insist that Netanyahu - who is running a country with probably the most challenges in the world - appear for testimony no fewer than three days a week! Yes, in the middle of multi-front security threats, Netanyahu must prepare, and show up, for all those hours of testimony – and about what? About cigars that he apparently received several years ago, and about whether the press coverage he received in certain media outlets was totally negative or perhaps tilted in his favor to slightly less than pareve. The longer the trial continues, the more it appears that he was framed so coarsely not so that he will be found guilty, but simply to ensure that he retains the title of "accused" and thus be forced somehow to leave office.

All this does not mean to say that he will not ultimately be found guilty of "breach of trust" of one clause or another.  It is very unlikely, in today's Israeli judicial establishment, that the judges will totally exonerate him, and thus allow years of prosecution efforts and prestige to go down the drain. Rather, the District Court will probably find him guilty of at least something, so that this will not happen. And if the District Court judges surprise us and acquit him of all charges, it can be assumed that the Supreme Court, on appeal, will do the job of saving the Prosecution's face.

But in truth, even though the continued trial serves the purpose of exposing the foibles of our judicial system, there is something else very much on the line (aside from the personal price Netanyahu is paying): It is in our critical national interest to put a quick end to this trial, whether it be by the withdrawal of the charges by the prosecution, or via presidential pardon. Israeli law clearly allows a prime minister to continue in office even if he has been charged with a crime, and even during his actual trial. This is logical; when a trial is run at a reasonable pace, and when the general state of the country is satisfactory and routine, a prime minister can run the nation even while running his own trial at the same time.

But this is not the case at present. Our national security is quite tense, and battles are liable to erupt again at any moment, whether in Gaza, Lebanon, Iran or Yemen – or even in Syria. The problem is that the presiding District Court justice in the trial is nearing mandatory retirement age, and it is her interest to have as many trial days as possible so that her court can return a verdict while she is still serving.

Ideally, one hearing a week would be a fine pace, balancing the trial's needs with the precious time of a prime minister that should be dedicated to fateful and critical decisions. But under the circumstances, his many hours in court, and his frequent need to request the judges' permission to be excused for urgent national needs, create a situation in which Israel's moves are open and revealed to all, at least partially, arguably endangering Israeli's security. This is an absurd state of affairs.

What is needed, therefore, is a "responsible adult," an objective player, who will weigh what is truly best for the country at this time and will realize that an end to the trial is what is needed. President Yitzchak Herzog, who so far has not particularly succeeded in distinguishing himself – certainly not during these difficult two-plus years of war – holds this authority in his hands. He has the chance to do a great favor to his countrymen and to Am Yisrael, and pardon Binyamin Netanyahu. As Mordechai told Esther back in Persia, "Who knows if not for this moment did you rise to power!"

There are those who say that it will be much easier for Herzog to grant a pardon if Netanyahu agrees to retire from politics, or to put an end to the judicial reform program. The latter is particularly illogical, as there is no connection between the questions of Netanyahu's guilt and whether the judicial system's foibles must be corrected. And regarding his departure from politics – why should the will of the majority of Israelis, who voted for him and his allies, be shelved? It is simply a form of corruption to allow fake charges and trumped-up trials to dictate who runs the country.

For Netanyahu personally, it is up in the air whether it is best for him to have the trial continue, or to be pardoned. But of course the main consideration is not his personal benefit, but rather the good of the country. We all deserve a pardon from this tiresome, distorted, and harmful trial.

---Besheva columnist Avishai Greentzeig agrees that the trial should end, but preferably by way of the prosecution agreeing to drop most of the charges so that a summation can be reached quickly and efficiently. Greentzeig particularly decries the nationalist camp's reliance on President Trump's intervention in the affair, given that in every other case the right-wingers are greatly opposed to American meddling in internal Israeli matters.

Time for the Rising Green Crescent to Set

by Amir Lulu, political science doctoral candidate at Hebrew University in Jerusalem, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Last week, U.S. President Trump, the leader of the free world, signed an order outlawing the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. [More precisely, the order "sets in motion a process by which certain chapters or subdivisions of the Muslim Brotherhood shall be considered for designation as Foreign Terrorist Organizations" – ed.] In the ongoing fateful struggle between Islam and the free Western world, this is a significant move not to be underestimated – and Israel must take full advantage of it.

There is a common assumption, not particularly based on empirical knowledge, that the rise of Nazism was a one-time phenomenon whose eruption could not have been foreseen. This is not quite the case.

Although the Nazi movement did have its unique characteristics, the facts belie the naïve belief that the German nation was swept almost helplessly into the event. Anti-semitism in Germany, and in many other areas of Europe, had long been deep and well-rooted. The evil man with the small mustache understood the prevailing sentiment when he was yet young, and upon it he built his diabolical empire. At the height of the Nazi movement, its members were not only the masses who flocked to the charismatic leader who promised them post-World War One vengeance and German rebirth; they also included many lawyers and students.

In fact, the most shocking example of the movement’s multi-dimensional character is the simple fact that a large portion of the Einsatzgruppen commanders - the mobile killing units in the East - held doctoral degrees. Furthermore, many of the participants in the infamous Wannsee Conference in January 1942, where was discussed the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question,” were also doctors and lawyers.

This introduction is important for two reasons:

1. It sharpens in our minds the concept that the evil in man's heart does not suddenly appear out of nowhere. It is rather a long-range process that begins with the laying of foundations – in our case, extremist Islamist foundations.

2. The construction of ideological foundations is nearly always led along by the social elites, and not by the masses – who join up only towards a latter stage.

It would be a case of intellectual laziness to say that the Muslim Brotherhood is like Nazis; there is nothing that can equal the Nazis in their ability to turn their wicked dreams into such totally destructive reality. But it would be complete folly not to compare these and other extremist ideologies to see what they share and where they differ.

The Muslim Brotherhood is an extremist organization, whose prominent intellectual champion Yusuf Al-Qaradawi (1926-2022) was an outspoken supporter of suicide attacks against Israeli citizens. The Brotherhood is no longer legal in countries such as Egypt and the United Arab Emirates – and Trump's decision is one of the most severe blows it has suffered. As of now, the Muslim Brotherhood has active and strong chapters operating legally throughout the United States.

It's always better to win the war before it begins. The State of Israel will be smart if at least now it begins to restrict the steps of the Islamic Movement – whose ideology draws heavily from the Muslim Brotherhood’s worldview – within its borders. The Movement, especially the Northern Branch thereof, is known for its broad use of the "smiles offensive," while behind its back it is busy sharpening its knives.

What Israel must do is not to withhold voting rights, or to prevent Arab parties from running in national elections. Rather, Israel must begin a long and involved process of investigating individuals and ferreting out Muslim Brotherhood members. The strongest country in the world has already understood that terrorist organizations must be marked - and we need to be wise enough to learn from the step they have just taken and act in a similar spirit.

Both the Arab and Jewish sectors in Israel would benefit from ensuring that these violent and dangerous individuals are not considered legitimate within Israeli democracy. Again, this should not be a blanket disqualification of their parties' running for office. This is because once we begin disqualifying parties, the slippery slope kicks in; leaders could one day come to power who use such disqualifications for their own purposes against non-dangerous ideologies that they simply do not like. All that is needed is to point them out and say, "They are of the Muslim Brotherhood" – akin to saying "He’s from the KKK," meaning that anyone who votes for him is supporting the KKK – and they thus lose much of their public legitimacy.

Not to mention that a sweeping ban on Israel-haters would only drive them underground, where they would continue to operate covertly. In short, it is better that they remain out in the open, so that we know who they are.

We have an important opportunity now, and this is our fateful moment. We have witnessed the rise of the green crescent [a symbol of Islam], and now we have to make sure it settles down.

Threading the Needle: How Will Israel React to Trump's Dangerous – Treacherous? – F-35's/Saudi Plan?

by Hillel Fendel, former editor of Arutz-7's IsraelNationalNews.com.

The decision by U.S. President Donald Trump – the most unpredictable American president Israel has ever had to deal with, to put it mildly – to sell an unspecified number of F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia has many in Israel's defense network quite nervous about what this will mean for the future balance of power in the Middle East.

The IDF General Command submitted to the government an official Israel Air Force memorandum warning in detail how the sale would impair Israel's air superiority.

President Trump and his family have well over $60 billion in potential business deals with the Saudis, according to a New York Times report today (Nov. 19). Coincidentally, or not, just minutes after Trump announced his plans to sell the planes to the Saudi kingdom, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman arrived in Washington and was hosted in grand fashion in the White House. This, despite significant intelligence – based on a CIA report – that the Crown prince approved, and was probably involved in the planning of, the murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018.

Among the Trump deals being negotiated in the kingdom: a Trump-branded property to Diriyah, one of Saudi Arabia’s largest government-owned real estate developments, to the tune of $63 billion; a $1 billion “Trump Plaza” development in Jeddah; and two projects in Riyadh. The Times also reports that a firm of Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law and his part-time Middle East envoy, is involved in talks with a Saudi sovereign fund to "take the video game publisher Electronic Arts private… a deal valued at around $55 billion."

But despite the stench of conflicts-of-interest emitted by the above, what's more critical is whether, and to what extent, this development presents an existential danger for Israel.

The Israel Air Force memo emphasizes that Saudi acquisition of the jets would compromise the operational exclusivity of Israel's F-35's, for which Israel received special US permission to integrate its own avionics, software, and weapons. The F-35 is much more than a fighter jet; it is totally unique in that it is also a stealthy, nearly radar-evasive intelligence platform. Its advantages and deterrence abilities depend on its exclusivity, which would be compromised at best if Saudi Arabia comes into possession of similar aircraft.

Many in the U.S. defense establishment are also worried about the deal. They have warned that close Saudi ties with powers such as China and Russia increase the possibility that sensitive avionics or related data could find their way into enemy hands.

Another concern – although this could work to Israel's advantage – is that Israel's QME (Qualitative Military Edge) must be maintained, according to United States law. Specifically, the Israel Strategic Partnership Act of 2014, and related provisions in the Foreign Assistance Act, originally passed in 1961, mandate that Israel must maintain a QME over potential regional adversaries. American law also states that arms transfers to Middle Eastern countries may not undermine Israel’s ability to defend itself. Whether the sale in question reduces Israel's QME will be determined by the individual members of Congress, whoever, they may be, when the sale is ratified, or rejected, by the required Congressional vote.

Today's situation is somewhat reminiscent of a controversy in the early 1980's, when the Reagan administration pushed to sell five E-3 AWACS early-warning aircraft to Saudi Arabia. Israel and many in Congress feared it would tip the regional balance and endanger Israeli security, and an intense lobbying and public opinion battle ensued – which Israel lost. The Senate narrowly approved the deal in October 1981, and the AWACS aircraft were delivered to Saudi Arabia several years later – after Israel received enhanced U.S. military aid and technology as compensation.

Similarly, in 2020, the first Trump administration moved toward selling F-35s to the United Arab Emirates, leading to another major diplomatic struggle. The deal ultimately did not go through.

The current deal, as well, may have a silver lining, in that it might force the U.S. to make other major concessions to Israel in related or other areas. In addition, the sale might not be approved by Congress. A future President, as well, can also halt the sale.

Political commentator Barak Ravid was quick to write an article today, seeking to allay Israeli fears about the sale of the F-35's to the Saudis. Whether he was successful is given to debate. He wrote that it will take at least six years before the first plane will land in Saudi Arabia, that there will be "not a few" restrictions on the Saudis' use of the planes, and the Americans will retain "not a little" control over them.

Hopefully, Prime Minister Netanyahu and Israel's diplomatic and PR teams will be sufficiently resolute and creative to find the golden path between ensuring Israel's security in the face of future threats and remaining on good terms with Mr. Trump.