Let's Not Stop Now!

by Elisha Yered, Hilltop Resident and Leader, translated by Hillel Fendel.

One of the most welcome items on the list of Israel's gains from the war in Gaza is most definitely the unprecedented upswing in settlement construction in Judea and Samaria (Yesha) over the past two years.

Hilltop outposts springing up like mushrooms after the rain, broad support from the veteran communities, even the establishment of many farms with full defense-establishment approval – all that sums up the news from Yesha these days. For the first time in years, the IDF appears to be learning important lessons from what happened to us on Oct 7th, and seems to understand the importance of settling the non-populated areas. The coin has dropped, and the army truly understands the role of the new farms and hilltops as a forward defensive shield for the rest of the Jews in Yesha.

The IDF commanders no longer view the settlement outposts as hostile troublemakers, but rather as part and parcel of our common strategy. This has had a sweeping impact on the pace of construction, and enabled breakthroughs toward goals no one had imagined. 

But recently, something seems to have changed. Activists on the ground have begun to sense more friction in the atmosphere, as if there are those who want to turn the clock in Yesha back to before Oct. 7th. 

In a recent briefing on the security developments in Yesha, some of the officers complained that they're losing control over the hilltops and farms. "I support the settlement enterprise," one of them said, "but it doesn't make sense that 70% of the incidents I have to deal with are because of rocks or other attacks on a shepherd in some isolated hilltop."

This type of complaint, heard increasingly more as the front lines of the Jewish settlement enterprise move further out, may be factually true – but it's wrong in its basic approach. 

It is precisely how we as a society tackle this issue that will determine whether the Jewish presence in Judea and Samaria will thrive, numerically and security-wise – or whether it will actually regress back to the pre-Oct. 7th days. And that is why we must explain the issues with the clarity and seriousness they deserve.

 The most effective defense against the hostile Arab population in Yesha is built upon three elements: Distancing the line of contact from the civilian populace; placing the enemy in a perpetual state of defensiveness via rear-guard military action; and extremely sharp deterrence. Let us take them one by one.

Distancing the line of contact: Before the recent war, the IDF's objectives in Yesha were primarily to protect the fences of the communities and the roads connecting them. The line of contact was frighteningly close. If the enemy managed to break through, it meant possibly deadly attacks within the towns and against the passing vehicles. Since army units cannot be everywhere at once, car stonings were a near-daily occurrence.  

But all this changed wherever Jewish farms and hilltops were allowed to flower. Long dangerous roads became safe for travel. The Binyamin Regional Council, north of Jerusalem, released statistics showing 459 terrorist attacks on the Alon Highway in 2022, when there were about five hilltops and outposts in the area – and only 52 attacks in the first half of 2025, with the number of points now over 20. 

The operational concept was simple. Instead of Arab terrorists disguised as shepherds moving freely among the roadside olive trees to scout out the Jews passing by, control of the area came under the control of the Jewish residents of the hilltops or farms, thus pushing the Arab villagers back a kilometer or more. The line of contact was moved significantly, and the chance of a terrorist infiltration was tremendously reduced. The enemy's attempted attacks are now directed at the grazing areas and the shepherds, instead of at the Jewish communities. 

Consider for example the case of the terrorists from Dir Debwan, between Psagot and the route leading to Kokhav HaShachar. Despite the hard work of IDF Unit 636, including night ambushes and investigations leading to arrests, Arab firebombs and rock attacks were a matter of routine. But then 636 left, the terrorists became bolder and came closer, and the attacks resumed – until the establishment of the Sde Yonatan hilltop and Hanina Farm, which together turned the area into Jewish grazing land. Since then, not one attack has been carried out!

The terrorists' motivation has not decreased, however – and this leads to the second stage: Military action. The enemy must be put on the constant defensive – and not, as was the case before the war, allowed to maintain his precious daily "fabric of life." One of the ideas behind the new hilltops is that the Arab enemy can never know what's coming next, what changes will be made in the fields around him, and even whether his own little hilltop will still be his a month from now. Instead of us having to hold emergency security meetings regarding Arab infiltrations, it is now the Arab shepherds and farmers who are worried about how to respond to the changing circumstances. Clashes between the sides now take place in areas that were totally out of our bounds before – far from most Jewish families. 

Why So Far Out? 

Many in the army encourage and support the existence of Jewish grazing areas as buffer zones, but they still ask, "Why do you have to keep going with your sheep further deep into the area? It's dangerous and creates friction for no reason." Similarly, they view with favor farms right outside the communities' fences, but a hilltop further out is a "threat" that must be evacuated. 

This is a mistake. The way to manage the constant terrorist threats is by moving them further away from the population centers, thus minimizing them in both quantity and quality. By forbidding the young shepherds of Shalisha Farm to come near the terrorists of Al-Mughair, the latter will come close themselves and attack the communities of the Shilo bloc. It's very simple – as the army understands when dealing with the urban-area terrorists in Sh'chem and Tulkarm. 

This brings us to the third element of the correct strategy: Deterrence. There's something paradoxical about this element: The more effective it is, the more we forget the existence of the threat. When the enemy is deterred, and shrewdly pretends that he is seeking peace, many in Israel and around the world begin to say once again, "They're so calm and peaceful, why fight with them?" We then let up, they attack forcefully, such as on Oct. 7th, and the dangerous cycle begins again.

Similarly regarding the outposts. When the foreboding Salam Fayad plan came to light – the PA strategy of expansion and creating facts on the ground – support increased for Jewish growth and construction in Yesha. But now that we are thriving so wonderfully, warnings are once again being sounded against bursting forth "too much." 

This problem has only one solution: We must not heed the voices that seek to weaken and hold us back. Our fantastic achievements on the ground can be retained only if we continue to advance. 

Junking the "Quiet" Approach

Every IDF officer in the field must remind himself that it might cost him extra efforts in dealing with a few more incidents at first - but within a short time, the security benefits will outweigh those several-fold. And this without even having mentioned the benefits in thwarting the establishment of a Palestinian state. In short, the idea that "quiet" is the ultimate goal must be totally junked in favor of the push to advance and constantly improve our position on the ground. 

The officers must appreciate and encourage those who are willing to place themselves on the front lines, for the sake of security for the entire country. 

Over the past two years, there has been a strong turn away from the dangers of the "conception" – the idea that the Arab enemy can be contained if we just give a little here and concede there. This change can be noted almost throughout the government, army, media and elsewhere. This process must not stop! Any delay in utilizing this historic opportunity would be a "weeping for generations." As the Torah states, "Let us ascend to the Land – for we can do it!"

Qatargate and the Trump Bear Hug

by Tzvi Moses, founder of the Shilo Institute, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The Trump-Netanyahu summit in Mar-a-Lago, Florida, this week was relatively successful, but not a few problems still remain unresolved. Trump's remarks about Erdogan and the Turks are worrisome, and though he spoke strongly of the need for Hamas to disarm "or else!" many things about it – such as who will do it, when, and how – still evade clear answers.

Trump's attitude towards Judea and Samaria, about which he acknowledged that he and Netanyahu do not agree 100% – "but I know he'll do the right thing" – is also of some concern. The same is true for Trump's approach to the Palestinian Authority in general. Netanyahu, for his part, did not look good [unsurprisingly, given the pressures he faces in the judicial, political, military and other spheres - ed.]. He looked pale and not confident, and the personal praises Trump heaped upon him - "There might not be an Israel right now if [it] had a different prime minister [other than Netanyahu]" - were a bit strange, and even pathetic. The same was true for the promise of a pardon for Netanyahu that Trump claimed to have received, which was immediately denied by the only man who can issue the problem, Israel's President Herzog. 

The bear hug given to Trump by the Israeli decision to grant Trump the Israeli Prize for Peace, and the profuse mutual compliments, actually made Netanyahu appear weak and dependent – as if he were a has-been hero who needs to be propped up by the great and mighty Trump.

On the other hand, it was comforting to see that politically and militarily, Israel's situation appears to be good, even if not 100% stable. The backing that Trump gave Netanyahu regarding Iran appears to be sufficient for now. 

But looming in the background is Qatargate – an absurd story that does not bode well for Israel's government. The story seems to be that three of Netanyahu's top media aides – Feldstein, Orich, and Einhorn – saw fit to give marketing and PR services to the State of Qatar. Their goal was apparently to help Qatar become the leading mediator in the talks with Hamas for the release of the hostages. It seems, however, that more than they helped Israel receive the hostages, they helped Hamas receive freedom for their own murderous terrorists from Israeli prisons. 

This is in addition to the fact that Qatar itself funded Hamas and enabled them to arm massively and build monstrous tunnels. Regarding such mediation as Qatar performed, it can be said, "Have you then murdered and also inherited?"

Netanyahu's main electoral rival Naftali Bennett is calling for the prime minister's aides to be sentenced to life imprisonment, for having apparently betrayed Israeli interests by sabotaging Israeli-Egyptian relations to the benefit of Qatar. The PM's office, and Netanyahu himself, truly appear to be on the ropes, beaten and battered. Diplomatically speaking, former Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer – who was very instrumental in attaining the release of the hostages and in receiving American support for the attack on Iran – is sorely missed. In general, the government does not appear to be functioning perfectly. With the Likud primaries coming up in the coming months, there do not seem to be many significant and serious party personalities ready for leadership positions. 

Netanyahu needs someone like Moses' father-in-law Jethro to advise him on delegating and sharing some of his authorities. It's time for Netanyahu to groom one or more successors; there are too many people in Israel who once served under Netanyahu and are now in the forefront of his opposition. 

The nationalist camp ought to shake off its long-held belief that without Netanyahu, the dictatorial left-wing will come to power. An unhealthy symbiosis has been created, wherein because of the right-wing's total dependence upon Netanyahu, he can use its fears to his advantage and receive its coddling almost unconditionally. The time has come for right-wingers to realize that this need not go on, especially in light of the rot that has taken root in his office and reached its climax in the very strange story of Qatargate. 

With the elections coming up some time in the next ten months, the right-wing would be well advised to rebuild itself, and encourage the many personalities that emerged, during and after the war, to lead. Instead of Qatargate, let this be a gate of opportunity to a new nationalist camp and a new future.

Between Sydney and Jerusalem

by Deganit Senker, former Director-General of the Ministry of Aliyah and Absorption and current Board Chairperson of Ofek Israeli, dedicated to encouraging and supporting Aliyah, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The murderous terrorist attack in Sydney, Australia last week was not just another "security incident" in a far-off country. This moment of deep crisis for Australian Jewry was another rung up the ladder of anti-Semitic escalation that has accompanied the Jewish people for at least the last decade, and especially since the Simchat Torah massacre over two years ago.

For the State of Israel, it is also a moment of testing: Will the State of Israel realize its responsibility to world Jewry, will it raise the gauntlet of leadership, and will it realize the direction connection between Jewish security around the world and the future of the Jewish national state?

Over the past decade, we have been witness to a steady and troubling rise in anti-Semitic incidents around the world. It has gotten worse over the past two years, to be sure, but the trend started well before. As early as 2015, with the attack on the HyperCacher kosher supermarket in Paris (17 murdered), and in 2017 with the brutal murder of Dr. Sarah Halimi, also in Paris, it became clear that Jews were once again no longer safe, even in the heart of democratic Europe. The Jewish response was swift: In the following year, approximately 7,500 Jews immigrated to Israel from France, compared to a previous annual average of some 2,200.

Nor has there been a shortage of attacks of varying intensity since then. There was the Pittsburgh temple massacre in 2018, the deadly supermarket shooting in Jersey City in 2019, and the fatal stabbing at a Chanukah celebration in Monsey the same year. The Corona plague was known in Jewish circles not only for the deaths it brought in its wake, but also for the anti-Semitic conspiracy theories it aroused. The pattern has become clear: Rising hatred, bursting violence, and then a Jewish arousal as the Children of Israel seek security, identity, and belonging.

Et Tu, Australia?

Even though the format began to become familiar, not many expected it to happen in Australia as well. This far-off, liberal country, with strict weapons laws, and with a healthy Jewish community strongly integrated into society at large, abruptly became an anti-Semitic terrorism arena. As of now, 15 Jews have died as a result of the Bondi Beach mass shooting, and 38 were injured, including children and Holocaust survivors. An incident of this type in a democratic, stable country that has long been considered safe for Jews is a flashing warning light to the entire Jewish world.

Aliyah from Australia is not tremendously dramatic – about 100 to 150 Jews "come home" each year. On the other hand, the Jewish leadership in Australia reports a threefold increase in anti-Semitic incidents in the country – a profoundly troubling trend.

And Australia is not alone. Amsterdam, a city well identified with liberalism and tolerance, has registered of late several violent anti-Semitic attacks that have shaken its Jewish community. In Great Britain, the Jewish population has suffered a clear erosion in personal security over the past two years. Increasingly more British Jews are considering, for the first time, making Aliyah. In fact, the number of olim from England has nearly doubled.

Violence is not the only issue. Lighting Chanukah candles in one's home window has become a hot topic in many places, as has the wearing of yarmulkes. Children wearing clearly Jewish garb on their way to school and Kosher slaughter are often problematic. In general, many Jews around the world are experiencing a shake-up of their sense of identity.

Israel and the Aliyah Question

Where does Israel fit into all this? Some Israelis have long felt that anti-Semitism abroad is a "Diaspora problem," and that Aliyah is a personal choice of the Jews involved. This is a fundamental error. Anti-Semitism and Aliyah are two sides of the same coin. When communal security is shaken, some members react by strengthening their local Jewish institutions and identity, some choose to make Aliyah, and some react, most painfully, by hiding their Jewishness.

It appears that Israel has three roles to play in this crisis. First: defense of Jewish life abroad. Israel has advanced capabilities in the spheres of security intelligence and technology, and is actually an international defense-tech superpower. As such, it can and should be an active partner in protecting Jewish institutions around the world, in cooperation of course with the local governments.

Number two is community strength and resilience. Israel has developed over the past years and decades advanced models for coping with community-wide and individual trauma, as can be seen in the rehabilitation of communities in the western Negev following Oct. 7th. The knowledge and experience gained from the cooperation to this end between the State, local government, and civilian groups and individuals, can be used to serve Jewish communities around the world that have been hit hard by anti-Semitism.

Third, and arguably most importantly, is Aliyah. Israel is far from a beginner in this area. A deep, professional and well-coordinated infrastructure has been built in recent years here to encourage and absorb immigration, led by the Ministry of Aliyah in close partnership with the Jewish Agency and World Zionist Organization. These bodies work efficiently to enhance absorption, employment, housing, and community support for Olim. These ongoing efforts must be redoubled through genuine dialogue with Diaspora communal leaders and local Aliyah-promotion organizations.

Our Common Destiny

The heart of the matter is the sense, both in Israel and abroad, of the common Jewish destiny we all share. There is no longer a substantial difference between what happens in Jerusalem or in Sydney, London, Amsterdam, and New York. Decisions that are made in Israel, whether they concern defense, economics, and even Jewish values, echo directly upon the daily lives of Jews the world over. And by the same measure, the sense of fear in the Diaspora is translated here in Israel into life choices: strengthening of identity, Aliyah, or deep dread of the future.

The expanse between Aliyah and Jewish communal strength does not comprise two different subjects; it is rather one consecutive continuum, in which is tested the State of Israel's ability to be not only a sovereign state, but also the general and ultimate home for every Jew around the world. 

It's Not the Economy, Stupid!

by Professor Asher Cohen, Department of Political Studies, Bar Ilan University, (written for the religious zionist periodical - Matzav Haruach) translated by Hillel Fendel. 

The key slogan in Bill Clinton’s US Presidential election campaign more than 30 years ago – “It's the economy, stupid!” – is considered even now one of the most successful lines in the history of political propaganda. 

Clinton’s advisors understood that the vast majority of Americans are interested, more than anything else, in economic issues, and especially as they relate to their own individual financial situations. This insight was one of the factors that led to his victory. In terms of American domestic issues, this is certainly logical and understandable.

But it is totally irrelevant to the Middle East, and the problem is that President Donald Trump has adopted the same spirit as part of his dream to reorganize and reorder the world. He is waging his great struggle for a new world order against China, and more broadly against the China-Russia axis and their partners around the world. One might be tempted to view this as a battle of ideologies, between the world’s leading democracy against two non-democratic powers – but this is far from the case. 

Trump's objective is not ideology as much as it to simply stop the Chinese. He is willing to forge political partnerships with regimes very far from being democratic on the basis of national interests alone. All he demands is that they be willing to help him block the Chinese; the question of national identity and ideology is far less important to him. Even states that are willing to join his alliances against the Chinese even as they support terrorism are most welcome.

Trump, with his business and deal-making experience and background, believes that almost any challenge in international relations can be solved through various economic incentives. Many in Israel have been of this mindset in the past, and some remain there to this day. The “New Middle East” envisioned by Shimon Peres rested entirely on the hope for a dramatic improvement in the Palestinians’ economic lives, which he hoped and expected would lead them to choose peace and compromise over their hatred for Israel. 

Remnants of this approach continued for years afterwards, up to this day, under a basic assumption that economic improvement for PA residents - more work entry permits, a flow of funds into Gaza, etc. - would lead to security calm. 

Israel understood too late, after paying the terrible and painful price of the Oct. 7th massacre, that the issue of ethnic identity is much more central to our Arab enemies than financial interests. People with an economic-business outlook, such as Pres. Trump and Israeli adherents of the Peres approach, are astonished to discover that even after the destruction of most of the Gaza Strip, the overwhelming majority of Gazans say that Oct. 7th was a positive event. Hamas continues even now to recruit more and more young people for the sacred goal of destroying Israel.

This can be seen in Lebanon as well. Even after the heavy blows it has suffered, Hizbullah does not give up for a moment what it describes as “the resistance.” Its members seek not to rebuild the villages of southern Lebanon, but to renew the terrorist infrastructures.

No improvement in their standard of living will get Hamas, and an overwhelming majority of all PA residents, to give up their basic identity – centered around their dream of destroying Israel. Arab-Palestinian identity in its essence is rooted in their hatred of Zionism and Zionists. To expect that they would abandon their goal of annihilating Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people is tantamount to demanding that they cease to be "Palestinians."

There is no Arab organization in the PA parallel to “Peace Now.” Periods of apparent calm are merely fillers as they wait for conditions to enable them to resume their fight-to-the-death against Israel. 

In Israel, there is a growing understanding that even countries that appear to be potential partners with the US in bringing "peace" to Gaza – Turkey and Qatar foremost among them – have never abandoned their fundamental conceptions. They view Gaza as a permanent focal point of violence and hatred against Israel, one that will seek to challenge, harass and weaken Israel at every turn until it realizes its dream of destroying the Jewish state. 

Even as the Americans seem to approach Gaza with an "art of the deal" outlook, Israel must stand its guard and be careful not to repeat the same mistake. Israel must oppose this American mindset in every possible way.

A Pardon for Israel's Sake, not Netanyahu's

based on an article by Emmanuel Shiloh, editor of the Besheva weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

For many in Israel - the growing population sector of critics of our national judicial system – the continuation of the Netanyahu trial is precisely what they would like to see. This is because they feel that so many judicial-ethical defects are being exposed in the running of the Netanyahu trial that allowing it to take its course is the best way to prove to the country that the judicial system needs a total overhaul. The list of flaws, to put it nicely, that have surfaced in this trial is too long and uncomplimentary for this column.

Perhaps one point that must be noted is that which seems to have irked US President Trump into actually pushing Israeli President Herzog to pardon our prime minister. That is that the justices insist that Netanyahu - who is running a country with probably the most challenges in the world - appear for testimony no fewer than three days a week! Yes, in the middle of multi-front security threats, Netanyahu must prepare, and show up, for all those hours of testimony – and about what? About cigars that he apparently received several years ago, and about whether the press coverage he received in certain media outlets was totally negative or perhaps tilted in his favor to slightly less than pareve. The longer the trial continues, the more it appears that he was framed so coarsely not so that he will be found guilty, but simply to ensure that he retains the title of "accused" and thus be forced somehow to leave office.

All this does not mean to say that he will not ultimately be found guilty of "breach of trust" of one clause or another.  It is very unlikely, in today's Israeli judicial establishment, that the judges will totally exonerate him, and thus allow years of prosecution efforts and prestige to go down the drain. Rather, the District Court will probably find him guilty of at least something, so that this will not happen. And if the District Court judges surprise us and acquit him of all charges, it can be assumed that the Supreme Court, on appeal, will do the job of saving the Prosecution's face.

But in truth, even though the continued trial serves the purpose of exposing the foibles of our judicial system, there is something else very much on the line (aside from the personal price Netanyahu is paying): It is in our critical national interest to put a quick end to this trial, whether it be by the withdrawal of the charges by the prosecution, or via presidential pardon. Israeli law clearly allows a prime minister to continue in office even if he has been charged with a crime, and even during his actual trial. This is logical; when a trial is run at a reasonable pace, and when the general state of the country is satisfactory and routine, a prime minister can run the nation even while running his own trial at the same time.

But this is not the case at present. Our national security is quite tense, and battles are liable to erupt again at any moment, whether in Gaza, Lebanon, Iran or Yemen – or even in Syria. The problem is that the presiding District Court justice in the trial is nearing mandatory retirement age, and it is her interest to have as many trial days as possible so that her court can return a verdict while she is still serving.

Ideally, one hearing a week would be a fine pace, balancing the trial's needs with the precious time of a prime minister that should be dedicated to fateful and critical decisions. But under the circumstances, his many hours in court, and his frequent need to request the judges' permission to be excused for urgent national needs, create a situation in which Israel's moves are open and revealed to all, at least partially, arguably endangering Israeli's security. This is an absurd state of affairs.

What is needed, therefore, is a "responsible adult," an objective player, who will weigh what is truly best for the country at this time and will realize that an end to the trial is what is needed. President Yitzchak Herzog, who so far has not particularly succeeded in distinguishing himself – certainly not during these difficult two-plus years of war – holds this authority in his hands. He has the chance to do a great favor to his countrymen and to Am Yisrael, and pardon Binyamin Netanyahu. As Mordechai told Esther back in Persia, "Who knows if not for this moment did you rise to power!"

There are those who say that it will be much easier for Herzog to grant a pardon if Netanyahu agrees to retire from politics, or to put an end to the judicial reform program. The latter is particularly illogical, as there is no connection between the questions of Netanyahu's guilt and whether the judicial system's foibles must be corrected. And regarding his departure from politics – why should the will of the majority of Israelis, who voted for him and his allies, be shelved? It is simply a form of corruption to allow fake charges and trumped-up trials to dictate who runs the country.

For Netanyahu personally, it is up in the air whether it is best for him to have the trial continue, or to be pardoned. But of course the main consideration is not his personal benefit, but rather the good of the country. We all deserve a pardon from this tiresome, distorted, and harmful trial.

---Besheva columnist Avishai Greentzeig agrees that the trial should end, but preferably by way of the prosecution agreeing to drop most of the charges so that a summation can be reached quickly and efficiently. Greentzeig particularly decries the nationalist camp's reliance on President Trump's intervention in the affair, given that in every other case the right-wingers are greatly opposed to American meddling in internal Israeli matters.