An Ongoing Absurdity: Netanyahu's Trial in the Shadow of War

by Attorney Yitzhak Lax, member of the Israeli Bar Association, translated by Hillel Fendel.

How is it possible that while our blood is still being spilled in the alleys of Gaza, the trial of Prime Minister Netanyahu continues in the Jerusalem District Court as if nothing else was happening?

Israeli in the summer of 2025 is undergoing a complex and painful reality, fraught with existential challenges. The Iron Swords war in Gaza, newly named Gideon's Chariots, continues – some would say, limps along – while our hostages are still barely surviving in Gaza tunnels, the northern front burns despite the conclusion of the brilliant Rising Lion offensive against Iran, and Israeli society is once again divided and bleeding.

Yet, despite and amidst all this national chaos, while soldiers continue to fall at the hands of Hamas terrorists in Gaza, the trial of Prime Minister Netanyahu continues in the Jerusalem District Court. The obvious question that cries out to the heavens is: For how long will we continue to allow this absurdity to go on?!

That "all are equal before the law" is a clear and fundamental principle in democracy, and its importance cannot be underestimated. But there is still a fine line between upholding important principles and not seeing reality. For all his weaknesses and limitations, Netanyahu is the prime minister of the State of Israel, at the center of making the most fateful decisions in the history of the country. Leading a multi-front war, he is the one who heads and directs the diplomatic effort vis-à-vis the US and the world, the one responsible for waging the war, and the one whose critical job it is to lead Israel through the stormy sea of ​​security and political threats. To demand that he sit in a courtroom for days and weeks on end to be cross-examined about events that took place years ago, about champagne, cigars, and a Bugs Bunny doll, when Israel is waging a war of survival outside - this is a criminal disregard for reality.

This is no small matter. At stake are human lives, the security of an entire country, and the future of Israeli society. Every minute of time, every hour of thought, and every mental effort of the prime minister must be devoted only to these burning matters.

With the citizens of Israel facing an ongoing, permanent threat, and with the IDF fighting on so many fronts, our leadership must be totally focused and clear, with no distractions. Can Mr. Netanyahu be expected to focus on running the various military wars and fronts while simultaneously being challenged to remember various trivial details from years ago (some from as long ago as 2004)? The answer is clearly: No.

And yet behold, precisely during these emergency times, when common sense and simple logic dictate that all activity that is not essential for national survival should be suspended, the prosecution insists on going ahead with the trial with blood-curdling indifference. Its refusal to agree to a mere two-week delay, when the trial has already been ongoing for five years and is expected to continue for many more, was nothing short of evil. What unbearable legal drama would occur if the hearings were postponed by two weeks? Would the judicial system collapse? Would justice be irreversibly corrupted?

Again, clearly not. A short delay for emergency reasons is something that should occur automatically; what discussion is even necessary? The stubborn insistence by the prosecution - and by the court itself, which in the end agreed to suspend the trial by only one week - is testimony not only to shocking insensitivity, but also to total misunderstanding on our national priorities. It sometimes appears that the law enforcement network sees itself as an objective in and of itself, detached from all context, and focused on procedure at the expense of the essence.

And herein lies the heart of the absurdity: The judicial system, which is supposed to be serving the public and protecting its security and welfare, is actually acting in a way that appears to be endangering it. It ties the Prime Minister's hands during an absolutely most critical period, occupying him with technical and questionable legal matters while our enemies watch and wait to pounce.

Did we really have to reach the point where U.S. President Trump expresses amazed consternation at the ridiculousness of Netanyahu, with whom he talks every day these days, having to work his schedule around two days a week of court hearings and cross-examinations?

Could anyone possibly imagine Winston Churchill be placed on trial in the midst of the months of the Nazi Blitz of London at the beginning of World War II? Or Abraham Lincoln being tried on technical matters while the American Civil War raged on? The comparisons might seem exaggerated, but they actually are not, and they typify the incredible lack of proportions taking place here and now.

The trial itself long ago became a political tool and a source of divisiveness within Israeli society. It eggs on the fringes, heightens the hatred, and distracts our attention from the matters that are truly important. Is there any justification to continue holding the trial while Israel fights for its life? Hasn't the time come to show national responsibility, to put aside these political disputes, and to understand that there are more urgent matters than a criminal trial, even one without as many question marks around it as this one has?

The prosecution and the courts must stop shooting itself, and us, in the foot. They are weakening the Prime Minister and impairing his ability to function – and are also giving over a mistaken message to the Israeli public, as if the people in leadership are totally detached and oblivious to what is going on around them.

Israel is at a historic crossroads. Our future depends on our ability to unite, focus on the war effort, and act in a way that guarantees our security and existence. To continue to conduct Netanyahu’s trial, especially in light of the absurd refusal to agree to a short, two-week delay, constitutes yet another obstacle on the path to achieving that guarantee. The time has come for sensible reason and national responsibility to prevail over bureaucratic rigidity and ignoring of reality. The future of the state is more important than any legal proceeding – especially one that can wait.

From a Military Blow to Historic Opportunity: Israel, the U.S., and the Future of the Middle East

by Harley Lippman, AIPAC Executive Committee Member, Middle East Forum Executive Committee Member, translated by Hillel Fendel.

[written just before the announcement of a ceasefire in Iran]

The joint bombing of the Iranian nuclear project is much more than a military achievement. Beginning with the Israeli decision to launch the offensive, and up to the arrival of the heavy U.S. B-2 bombers, it exemplifies the strength of the alliance between Jerusalem and Washington.

However, beyond the military aspects of these attacks, we must know that the opportunity has now arisen for the shaping anew of the map of regional alliances. Ever since the Camp David Accords of 1979, and up until the Abraham Accords of 2020 under the first Trump presidency, the United States has filled a central role in normalizing relations between Israel and the Arab world.

This is a rare, historic moment of clarity and opportunity. With correct coordination between Israel and the United States, the entire region can be reshaped, belligerence can be braked, alliances can be shored up, and the vision of "peace through strength" can become reality. Now is the time for courageous leadership that can turn a strategic alliance into ongoing peace. 

This is a partnership that has been built up over decades of cooperation, both secret and open. It has withstood difficult tests, during both Democratic and Republican administrations, including public differences of opinions as to the best way to deal with the Iranian nuclear program.

Last week, when the attacks against Iran were exclusively Israeli, the American presence behind the scenes was unmistakably strong.

Israel's opening strike - early Friday morning in Israel and Iran, June 13 - and the hundreds of sorties and operations since then, were part of an unprecedentedly complex operation, involving hundreds of stages and the coordination of intelligence gathering, surgical strikes, the use of advanced weapons, and much more. Even though Israel acted alone for the first nine days, many of the capabilities used were built thanks to the ongoing partnership with the United States. In addition, and more openly, the defense effort was integrated; tens of percent of the missile interceptions were carried out by American forces stationed in the region.

Very soon after Israel sent its first 200 combat jets to open Operation Rising Lion, U.S. President Donald Trump and his top brass lavishly praised the attack. Secretary of State Rubio emphasized, however, that the decision to attack was Israel's alone, and made clear that the U.S. is committed to regional security and, of course, the safety of its personnel in the Middle East.

This mutual cooperation – a joint strategic vision with freedom of tactical action for Israel – is the fruit of decades of political, security, and intelligence trust-building between the partners. For both of them it was clear: Iran will not be allowed to have nuclear weapons, nor to continue to operate its terrorism proxies in the Middle East.

Nine days after the onset of Israel's offensive, early Sunday morning, June 22, Trump sent his B-2 stealth bombers to Iran, with bunker-busters the likes of which no other army in the world possesses. This was the first time they were used in a combat mission, and they in fact inflicted a painful blow on the most protected underground nuclear sites of the Iranian terrorist regime. It is of course too early to tell precisely how painful was this blow and for how many years it will set back Iran's nuclear program.

Redrawing the Middle East

For the past two decades, pragmatic Arab countries cooperated with Israel far from prying public eyes, identifying Iran as a mutual enemy. This was, in fact, the basis on which were built the Abraham Accords. But many other Arab states, headed by Saudi Arabia, did not join the wave. Now, given the weakened state of the Iranian terror proxies Hizbullah, the Houthis, and the Iraqi militias, and when Hizbullah is actually even signaling some restraint, Israel's ability to operate freely within the heart of Tehran has not gone unnoticed by these countries. The rare documentation of Mossad agents on Tehran soil putting together some kind of offensive device caused a stir in Israel, but it made an even larger impression on decision-makers in other Middle Eastern countries.

In a Middle East where strength and power create a country's status and standing, Israel's Operation Rising Lion has strengthened its position as a trustworthy and serious security partner. If President Trump – who just a few weeks ago paid a very successful visit to the Gulf states – will know how to translate the military achievements of the past few days into real diplomatic progress via intelligence cooperation and mutual security initiatives, a new wave of normalization agreements is very much in sight – but this time, not based just on economic interests, but also on a meaningful security alliance as well.

Will the Government Fall This Week Because of the Threat to Draft Hareidim?

by Hillel Fendel, editor, author and translator.

With all the various crises of varying degrees of importance taking place in the world today –Russia/Ukraine, riots in LA, Israel's naval attack on Yemen, even Trump/Musk – there is one that is liable to have critically negative effects on the future of the State of Israel, militarily, sociologically, and religiously. I am referring to the threats by the hareidi parties to either quit the government coalition headed by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, or to bring about the dissolution of the Knesset – and thus, either way, bring about new elections.

The issue for them is the ongoing steps being taken by the courts and the IDF towards a wholescale draft of every last yeshiva student. The hareidi parties therefore demand clear legislation that will regulate how many actually have to be drafted and what sanctions – the lighter, the better – will be emplaced upon those who refuse. If a formulation is not found by this week, they say, they will either quit the coalition, or vote no-confidence in the government. Both, as stated, will lead to the same tragic result.

Whether the government falls via the first route, which would be quicker and more abrupt, or by the second, which could take weeks if not months, the cataclysmic effects could be very similar: Total government paralysis, meaning an end to the war in Gaza with our arch-enemy Hamas still in power and the hostages still under its torturous control, and an ensuing election victory for the center-left. [The only major arena which might not be affected, ironically, might be the Iranian; as Minister Amichai Eliyahu said today, "An attack in Iran is closer than new elections."]

Even if in the short term the new government comes towards the hareidim in terms of the draft, it will most certainly have an anti-religious and anti-nationalist bent, seeking to render the State of Israel just another modern, non-traditional, secular country.

Given the determination of the hareidi parties to bring down the government unless their basic position is accepted – or unless they wake up to their responsibility towards the entire country beyond the undeniable importance of their Torah study – the keys appear to be in the hands of Knesset Defense Committee Chairman Yuli Edelstein of the Likud. He is essentially on the side of those who favor coercive measures to draft hareidim, and so far has insisted on severe sanctions for those who do not answer the call.

Another major issue of contention is whether a quota of Torah scholars will be required to enlist, or rather just a percentage of all the draft-age hareidim in general. The hareidi parties demand the latter, of course, and Edelstein has reportedly already agreed. However, at the same time, the Attorney-General's office has already intimated that it would consider such an agreement to be unlawful.

The longed-for compromise will be achieved only if both of the battling coalition partners – the Likud, currently represented by Edelstein, and the hareidim – realize the magnitude of what is at stake, and show both responsibility and flexibility. Assuming that Edelstein has done so with the above quota compromise, the hareidim would do well to find the way to agree among themselves – this is not guaranteed… – how those who are not studying Torah would be drafted.

As Besheva editor Emanuel Shilo has written, "The hareidim must show good will and readiness to share the security burden, at least in terms of the young men who are not really studying Torah with great zeal, of which there are thousands. The army would be smart to establish appropriate frameworks for their military service, which would even strengthen their hareidi identity." Others say that such frameworks already exist, such as the Netzach Yehuda units – which include two years of active service and then a year of professional or matriculation studies.

And where does the religious-Zionist public - whose sons have borne the brunt of the casualties, proportionately, in the current war - fit in? Voices have been heard on both sides, from those who wish to support Torah study in the State of Israel, to those who wish to see the hareidi public be drafted just as other Israelis. Again, to quote Shilo:

"The religious-Zionist must correctly formulate its priorities. There are those who are acting with political motivations and are interested in toppling the government above all. But those who truly wish to see justice done and have the military burden shared more equally must ask themselves if that goal is more important than actual military victory – which would basically be unachievable if the Knesset is dissolved and new elections are called. After having paid so many heavy prices during this war, we must realize that ending the war with Hamas still standing will be many times worse than having some more patience with the hareidi public as it figures out and becomes accustomed to its place in sharing in the war effort."

With the final deadline apparently arriving this Wednesday, Besheva and Kan 11 columnist Zev Kam writes that we essentially gained a week, due to the sleepiness of the opposition in the Knesset:

"If the opposition had been on the ball last week, it would have succeeded already then in passing a preliminary reading of the bill to dissolve the Knesset. Coalition chairman MK Ophir Katz (Likud) was walking around the Knesset last Tuesday with one fear: that the opposition would suddenly bring up for a vote one of its proposals of no-confidence in the government. For if so, it would have passed. This is because the hareidim had already agreed among themselves not to vote against it, and some of them would even have voted in favor. But the opposition had no clue that the hareidim had reached that point – and when it finally found out, it was too late."

[Keep in mind that no-confidence motions can only be proposed on Wednesdays, and they must have been tabled the previous Tuesday afternoon.]

We can only hope that by the time these words are read, an agreed-upon solution has been found, and Israel can continue to battle its many external enemies without bickering within.

From Paris Shall Come Forth Sovereignty [in Yesha]

by Zev Kam, Kan Israel correspondent and Besheva columnist, translated by Hillel Fendel.

It could very well be that President Macron's obsession with a Palestinian state will be the trigger that could bring about Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria.

The countries of Europe granted the State of Israel very few days of grace after the slaughter of Simchat Torah (Oct. 7^th). It was only during the first days, when Israel was really on its knees, battered and broken, that the Europeans were willing to support us. Within a short time, however, with Israel in the midst of bitter, existential battles in Gaza, the same old vile calls began to be heard – about the disproportionate nature of our response, about our obligation to enable our mortal enemies to receive humanitarian aid (including, of course, much non-humanitarian aid], and about the need to end the war, no matter what the future cost to us might be.

Countries such as Spain, France, England and others began speaking of Israel in terms until then reserved only for their biggest enemy: Russia. They declared that they would impose sanctions, they threatened to unilaterally recognize a state of Palestine, and of course they accused us of genocide and other war crimes. If in Israel there remained a small minority of people whose opinions about peace with the Arabs did not change after Oct. 7^th, in many parts of Europe the reaction to Oct. 7^th was even worse: Many began to take a strong stance against Israel! They managed to find a way to blame Israel even for being slaughtered and for everything that followed, with no need for evidence or proof and relying only on the barefaced lies of Hamas.

Yet from bitter adversity often comes blessing. The hatred directed at us has actually led to the reopening of a very blessed and surprising development: the matter of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria.

First of all, the arrival of U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee has signaled a welcome change in the US approach to Yesha. If in the past, the State Department forbade its envoys to Israel from setting foot in Yesha, and if even former Ambassador David Friedman had to pay condolence calls to Yesha families not in his official capacity but only as a private person – Huckabee is taking precisely the opposite approach. One of his official welcoming ceremonies took place in none other than ancient Shilo in the Binyamin region of Samaria – one of the sites that express most strongly the Biblical ties between the Jewish People and the Land of Israel.

One would have thought, then, that Israel would have been by now well on its way, with American support, to declaring its sovereignty in Yesha, as originally and long promoted by Women in Green. Yet, in fact, the matter of sovereignty has not even come close to being top priority, neither in Israeli thinking nor in American, because of the many other issues the two countries must deal with together.

And yet now, this might be changing – not because of an Israeli or American decision, but because of something going on now in France, and particularly with its president, Emmanuel Macron. When he's not getting pushed around by his former teacher and current wife, he seems to be busy with shoving of his own: pushing Israel into a corner and forming a Palestinian state.

The PA State June Conference

Macron and his Saudi friends have announced a "June Conference" to be held at the United Nations this month, "aimed at advancing global efforts towards achieving a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict." Last week Macron brought Great Britain and Canada on board with a joint declaration regarding not only Judea and Samaria, but also Gaza – an artificial and forced conglomeration that, if it succeeds, will only shove peace further away.

So far, so bad – but in truth, it might actually be the harbinger of something very good. Macron has unintentionally restored to the table the historic settlement enterprise of Judea and Samaria, whose status has been limping along for decades. Now, however, due to Macron's efforts, it might actually come under full Israeli sovereignty – finally! How so?

It's very simple: When a foreign country seeks to grant legitimacy to the sworn enemy of another country (Israel, in this case), and grant it a state in Israel's heartland while Israel is still licking its wounds of the Oct. 7^th massacre, Israel can simply not stand passively by. It will have to respond with a bold move of its own – and that will likely be a Knesset vote to support sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. This is not just a guess; top Israeli figures, whose names are mentioned below, have made it clear that this is what will happen.

The Yesha Council of Jewish Communities in Judea and Samaria is taking the lead in ensuring that the Israeli response will be, as a first step, a ceremonial Knesset resolution to this effect.

In truth, it shouldn't be much of a big pill for the Israeli public to swallow. One of the many things that all Israelis share is the fear that an Arab mob might invade our communities, just as happened on Simchat Torah. This is the great concern that, for years, drove the residents of the north to demand aggressive action against Lebanon, and it is now what motivates the residents of the Coastal Plain – Raanana, Kfar Saba, and points north, west and south – to push for the strong IDF offensives against the terrorists of Jenin and their neighbors. Israeli sovereignty in Yesha can answer these anxieties in several ways: Yesha will no longer be considered the forgotten backyard of the State of Israel; passivity will be replaced by initiative, especially military; and the country's entire approach will take on a proactive nature rather than defensive.

The Lessons of Judicial Reform

Having learned the lessons of the pre-Oct. 7^th attempts to change Israel's judicial system, the Yesha Council is working overtime to make sure that the drive for sovereignty will not take on the same confrontational nature. How can this be done? By returning to the model of "opposition to a Palestinian state." During the course of the current war, the Knesset has already passed declarative resolutions against this dangerous entity – and the most important part of this development was that the votes were bipartisan, coordinated between leading MKs of both the coalition and the opposition.

And this is also why Yesha Council has reached out to enlist MKs Simcha Rotman (of the coalition's Religious Zionism party) and Oded Forer (of the opposition Yisrael Beiteinu party) in a joint effort to sponsor the Knesset resolution for sovereignty. A bipartisan initiative of this type will not lend itself to being brushed aside easily by the anti-Netanyahu forces – but just as importantly, it will help Israel in the international arena. This is because our good friend the United States cannot be more Zionist than Israel! Behind closed doors, the Americans are saying that Israel must first come out strongly against a Palestinian state, and only then can they themselves support that stance! As such, Macron's anti-Israel obsession may turn out to be the first step of the salvation we have been awaiting.

It must be noted that the matter of sovereignty has never been a top priority of Prime Minister Netanyahu. But even he now understands that he cannot ignore a European resolution favoring a Palestinian state. His trusted political ally, Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, even recently told Administration officials that Israel's immediate response to the Saudi-French initiative will be the application of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. Foreign Minister Gideon Saar, too, gave a similar message to the British and French.

Why is the Macron initiative so dangerous? Because it is liable to lead to international sanctions against Israel, such as more wide-ranging embargos on Yesha goods, perhaps a boycott of Israel in international cultural events, and of course a platform for recognition by more and more countries of a dangerous, fictional Palestinian state.

Mr. President Macron, it could very well be that we will end up thanking you for your hatred of us and the welcome decisions it stimulated us to make. 

Perhaps the Last Chance

by Emmanuel Shiloh, editor of the Besheva weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The current offensive in the war against Hamas – Gideon's Chariots – might be the last chance Israel has to destroy the enemy. 

If the Government of Israel wishes to defeat Hamas, it must conduct this war with the understanding that the window of opportunity to do so is narrowing, if not closing. It is very likely that Gideon's Chariots might very well be our last opportunity for a very long time to win.

Why is this? The international diplomatic pressure upon Israel is intensifying, as is the pressure from within. The extreme-left wing of the anti-government "Free the Captives at Any Price!" protests is becoming even more extreme and unrestrained. It is already now both denouncing Israel as committing war crimes, and promoting refusal to serve in the army during the war. This is in addition to its ongoing campaign for the hostages, which regularly floods public opinion with emotion, disrupts its logical judgment, and aggressively demands that victory be forsaken and our national security be abandoned – all so that the hostages will return, which they feel justifies absolutely any price.

Another hourglass is also running out as well: that of the soldiers, and particularly the reservists, many of whom have served months and months at a time. The burden upon them, and their wives at home, is becoming greater and harder by the day. The percentage of reservists who showed up for duty for this offensive was high, because they sensed that this time it would be serious and that the government would really be going all the way towards victory.

But if it turns out that this is just another round of a never-ending war of attrition, it is highly doubtful that it will be possible to mobilize most of the reservists for another round. Not to mention that the well-oiled campaign to forcibly draft the hareidim "right now" is creating, by design, a feeling among the reservists that they are being taken advantage of, and is decreasing their motivation to fight.

It's not so pleasant to tell the new Chief of Staff, Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, that he only has this one chance to win, after his predecessor was given almost unlimited resources of time. But Zamir knew the situation he was entering, and took on the job with the promise that he would know how to achieve victory under the given circumstances.

It does not look, however, as if the government realizes that this is perhaps its last chance. All signs indicate that even though the army has already begun deploying five divisions, and despite the large-scale call-up of reserves, Israel is still ready to stop on a dime if necessary. If and when Hamas feels that it has absolutely no choice and that Israel is about to deal it a true knock-out punch, it knows that it can quickly declare that it is accepting the Witkoff Outline. This will enable it to receive a 60-day ceasefire and the release of hundreds of terrorists from prison, in return for approximately half of our live hostages.

When such an option is always open to Hamas, why should it ever surrender?

This is a strategic blunder on Israel's part. Most unfortunately, it appears that the objective of both Netanyahu and Chief of Staff Zamir is not to "win," at this point. They are rather seeking to impose military pressure upon Hamas so that we can gain another ten hostages. If a 60-day ceasefire is agreed to, it is far from clear whether we will be allowed to finish the job of destroying Hamas afterwards.

Regarding the hostages, Israel's situation can be likened to a man whose child has been kidnapped by a cruel man holding a gun to the child's head and making a series of impossible demands. The father has the choice of trying to convince, or reprimand, the kidnapper; trying to pull the child away from him; or knocking the gun out of the kidnapper's hand. But the most effective solution is to simply shoot the kidnapper in the head – and the problem will be solved.

In the current situation, Israel should not be trying to drag out the time simply to squeeze out some more hostages at unbearably high prices. Rather, what Israel must do is to deliver a stunning knock-out blow and obliterate Hamas once and for all. The terrorists' hold upon the hostages will thus be weakened, and our captive brethren will return home.

In order to defeat Hamas, we don't have to kill every last terrorist, blow up every single tunnel, or capture or destroy all their weapons. Rather, as history has shown, victory in war can often be achieved when the enemy's "fighting spirit" has been decimated. When Hamas truly realizes that it has absolutely no chance of winning, it will simply quit, no matter what.

The recent elimination, three days before Gideon's Chariots began, of Muhammad Sinwar, as well as of other top Hamas terrorists, was just another in a long line of heavy blows suffered by Hamas at our hands over the past 19 months. Its top military, political, and organizational leadership has been almost completely eliminated, it has lost tens of thousands of fighters, very little remains of its rocket threat, and a significant portion of its weapons and bomb-making facilities have been destroyed or captured. Vast areas of Gaza Strip cities have been reduced to ruins, and two million Gazans have become refugees in their own country, forced to spend their time finding food and shelter.

Why, then, have they not surrendered? How is it that their fighting spirit still survives?

Some claim that because they are Islamist fanatics, they will simply never give up – because at worst, they will die a martyr's death, with all the heavenly delights that they have been promised. But the fact is that this did not hold true for the now all-but-defunct Hizbullah and ISIS, which were just as extremist.

Rather, the answer is very different: The reason that Hamas has not yet given up is because there are elements that support it and provide it with hope that all is not lost, and that if push comes to shove, Israel will be the first to blink. One of the main players giving Hamas this boost is, as mentioned, the campaign for the release of the hostages at any cost.

The international pressure that takes on varying shapes and forms is also a source of great hope for Hamas that it will manage to finish this war while still standing on its feet. And within Israel, those seeking to topple the Netanyahu government, or to draft the hareidim, or to support refusal to serve in the IDF, all signal to Hamas, "Not all is lost! Netanyahu will soon be off the stage! Hold on just a bit longer!"

In order to break the spirit of Hamas, it must be stopped from receiving support and reinforcement from these elements. It must be clear to Hamas that nothing will stop Israel from destroying it.

In order to win, if this is still possible, Netanyahu and Zamir have to stop trying to reach another temporary deal with Hamas, even for the exchange of some hostages. They must go full-force in the current military campaign – as if this was their last chance, which it probably is. No further rounds of fighting can be expected after this one.

Yes, this risks the hostages' lives to a certain extent – but the time has long come to stand by the ethical equation that says that our soldiers' blood is no less red than that of the hostages. We cannot fight an eternal war of attrition that continues to cost us in young soldiers' lives. The hostage situation is a catastrophe – but so is an end to the current war without victory, which will cost us in hundreds of lives, if not thousands, in the future.

Our objective now must be total conquest of the Gaza Strip within a short number of weeks; the establishment of a military regime there in place of Hamas; and allowing hundreds of thousands of Gazan Arabs to leave for other countries if they wish. When this happens, we will be able to finally declare victory, and the hostages will return home.

If the government and the IDF do not head this way in full force, we will have to assume that Netanyahu and Zamir do not really want victory.