Wednesday, January 7, 2026

Let's Not Stop Now!

by Elisha Yered, Hilltop Resident and Leader, translated by Hillel Fendel.




One of the most welcome items on the list of Israel's gains from the war in Gaza is most definitely the unprecedented upswing in settlement construction in Judea and Samaria (Yesha) over the past two years.

Hilltop outposts springing up like mushrooms after the rain, broad support from the veteran communities, even the establishment of many farms with full defense-establishment approval – all that sums up the news from Yesha these days. For the first time in years, the IDF appears to be learning important lessons from what happened to us on Oct 7th, and seems to understand the importance of settling the non-populated areas. The coin has dropped, and the army truly understands the role of the new farms and hilltops as a forward defensive shield for the rest of the Jews in Yesha.

The IDF commanders no longer view the settlement outposts as hostile troublemakers, but rather as part and parcel of our common strategy. This has had a sweeping impact on the pace of construction, and enabled breakthroughs toward goals no one had imagined. 

But recently, something seems to have changed. Activists on the ground have begun to sense more friction in the atmosphere, as if there are those who want to turn the clock in Yesha back to before Oct. 7th. 

In a recent briefing on the security developments in Yesha, some of the officers complained that they're losing control over the hilltops and farms. "I support the settlement enterprise," one of them said, "but it doesn't make sense that 70% of the incidents I have to deal with are because of rocks or other attacks on a shepherd in some isolated hilltop."

This type of complaint, heard increasingly more as the front lines of the Jewish settlement enterprise move further out, may be factually true – but it's wrong in its basic approach. 

It is precisely how we as a society tackle this issue that will determine whether the Jewish presence in Judea and Samaria will thrive, numerically and security-wise – or whether it will actually regress back to the pre-Oct. 7th days. And that is why we must explain the issues with the clarity and seriousness they deserve.

 The most effective defense against the hostile Arab population in Yesha is built upon three elements: Distancing the line of contact from the civilian populace; placing the enemy in a perpetual state of defensiveness via rear-guard military action; and extremely sharp deterrence. Let us take them one by one.

Distancing the line of contact: Before the recent war, the IDF's objectives in Yesha were primarily to protect the fences of the communities and the roads connecting them. The line of contact was frighteningly close. If the enemy managed to break through, it meant possibly deadly attacks within the towns and against the passing vehicles. Since army units cannot be everywhere at once, car stonings were a near-daily occurrence.  

But all this changed wherever Jewish farms and hilltops were allowed to flower. Long dangerous roads became safe for travel. The Binyamin Regional Council, north of Jerusalem, released statistics showing 459 terrorist attacks on the Alon Highway in 2022, when there were about five hilltops and outposts in the area – and only 52 attacks in the first half of 2025, with the number of points now over 20. 

The operational concept was simple. Instead of Arab terrorists disguised as shepherds moving freely among the roadside olive trees to scout out the Jews passing by, control of the area came under the control of the Jewish residents of the hilltops or farms, thus pushing the Arab villagers back a kilometer or more. The line of contact was moved significantly, and the chance of a terrorist infiltration was tremendously reduced. The enemy's attempted attacks are now directed at the grazing areas and the shepherds, instead of at the Jewish communities. 

Consider for example the case of the terrorists from Dir Debwan, between Psagot and the route leading to Kokhav HaShachar. Despite the hard work of IDF Unit 636, including night ambushes and investigations leading to arrests, Arab firebombs and rock attacks were a matter of routine. But then 636 left, the terrorists became bolder and came closer, and the attacks resumed – until the establishment of the Sde Yonatan hilltop and Hanina Farm, which together turned the area into Jewish grazing land. Since then, not one attack has been carried out!

The terrorists' motivation has not decreased, however – and this leads to the second stage: Military action. The enemy must be put on the constant defensive – and not, as was the case before the war, allowed to maintain his precious daily "fabric of life." One of the ideas behind the new hilltops is that the Arab enemy can never know what's coming next, what changes will be made in the fields around him, and even whether his own little hilltop will still be his a month from now. Instead of us having to hold emergency security meetings regarding Arab infiltrations, it is now the Arab shepherds and farmers who are worried about how to respond to the changing circumstances. Clashes between the sides now take place in areas that were totally out of our bounds before – far from most Jewish families. 

Why So Far Out? 

Many in the army encourage and support the existence of Jewish grazing areas as buffer zones, but they still ask, "Why do you have to keep going with your sheep further deep into the area? It's dangerous and creates friction for no reason." Similarly, they view with favor farms right outside the communities' fences, but a hilltop further out is a "threat" that must be evacuated. 

This is a mistake. The way to manage the constant terrorist threats is by moving them further away from the population centers, thus minimizing them in both quantity and quality. By forbidding the young shepherds of Shalisha Farm to come near the terrorists of Al-Mughair, the latter will come close themselves and attack the communities of the Shilo bloc. It's very simple – as the army understands when dealing with the urban-area terrorists in Sh'chem and Tulkarm. 

This brings us to the third element of the correct strategy: Deterrence. There's something paradoxical about this element: The more effective it is, the more we forget the existence of the threat. When the enemy is deterred, and shrewdly pretends that he is seeking peace, many in Israel and around the world begin to say once again, "They're so calm and peaceful, why fight with them?" We then let up, they attack forcefully, such as on Oct. 7th, and the dangerous cycle begins again.

Similarly regarding the outposts. When the foreboding Salam Fayad plan came to light – the PA strategy of expansion and creating facts on the ground – support increased for Jewish growth and construction in Yesha. But now that we are thriving so wonderfully, warnings are once again being sounded against bursting forth "too much." 

This problem has only one solution: We must not heed the voices that seek to weaken and hold us back. Our fantastic achievements on the ground can be retained only if we continue to advance. 

Junking the "Quiet" Approach

Every IDF officer in the field must remind himself that it might cost him extra efforts in dealing with a few more incidents at first - but within a short time, the security benefits will outweigh those several-fold. And this without even having mentioned the benefits in thwarting the establishment of a Palestinian state. In short, the idea that "quiet" is the ultimate goal must be totally junked in favor of the push to advance and constantly improve our position on the ground. 

The officers must appreciate and encourage those who are willing to place themselves on the front lines, for the sake of security for the entire country. 

Over the past two years, there has been a strong turn away from the dangers of the "conception" – the idea that the Arab enemy can be contained if we just give a little here and concede there. This change can be noted almost throughout the government, army, media and elsewhere. This process must not stop! Any delay in utilizing this historic opportunity would be a "weeping for generations." As the Torah states, "Let us ascend to the Land – for we can do it!"

Friday, January 2, 2026

Qatargate and the Trump Bear Hug

by Tzvi Moses, founder of the Shilo Institute, translated by Hillel Fendel.




The Trump-Netanyahu summit in Mar-a-Lago, Florida, this week was relatively successful, but not a few problems still remain unresolved. Trump's remarks about Erdogan and the Turks are worrisome, and though he spoke strongly of the need for Hamas to disarm "or else!" many things about it – such as who will do it, when, and how – still evade clear answers.

Trump's attitude towards Judea and Samaria, about which he acknowledged that he and Netanyahu do not agree 100% – "but I know he'll do the right thing" – is also of some concern. The same is true for Trump's approach to the Palestinian Authority in general. Netanyahu, for his part, did not look good [unsurprisingly, given the pressures he faces in the judicial, political, military and other spheres - ed.]. He looked pale and not confident, and the personal praises Trump heaped upon him - "There might not be an Israel right now if [it] had a different prime minister [other than Netanyahu]" - were a bit strange, and even pathetic. The same was true for the promise of a pardon for Netanyahu that Trump claimed to have received, which was immediately denied by the only man who can issue the problem, Israel's President Herzog. 

The bear hug given to Trump by the Israeli decision to grant Trump the Israeli Prize for Peace, and the profuse mutual compliments, actually made Netanyahu appear weak and dependent – as if he were a has-been hero who needs to be propped up by the great and mighty Trump.

On the other hand, it was comforting to see that politically and militarily, Israel's situation appears to be good, even if not 100% stable. The backing that Trump gave Netanyahu regarding Iran appears to be sufficient for now. 

But looming in the background is Qatargate – an absurd story that does not bode well for Israel's government. The story seems to be that three of Netanyahu's top media aides – Feldstein, Orich, and Einhorn – saw fit to give marketing and PR services to the State of Qatar. Their goal was apparently to help Qatar become the leading mediator in the talks with Hamas for the release of the hostages. It seems, however, that more than they helped Israel receive the hostages, they helped Hamas receive freedom for their own murderous terrorists from Israeli prisons. 

This is in addition to the fact that Qatar itself funded Hamas and enabled them to arm massively and build monstrous tunnels. Regarding such mediation as Qatar performed, it can be said, "Have you then murdered and also inherited?"

Netanyahu's main electoral rival Naftali Bennett is calling for the prime minister's aides to be sentenced to life imprisonment, for having apparently betrayed Israeli interests by sabotaging Israeli-Egyptian relations to the benefit of Qatar. The PM's office, and Netanyahu himself, truly appear to be on the ropes, beaten and battered. Diplomatically speaking, former Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer – who was very instrumental in attaining the release of the hostages and in receiving American support for the attack on Iran – is sorely missed. In general, the government does not appear to be functioning perfectly. With the Likud primaries coming up in the coming months, there do not seem to be many significant and serious party personalities ready for leadership positions. 

Netanyahu needs someone like Moses' father-in-law Jethro to advise him on delegating and sharing some of his authorities. It's time for Netanyahu to groom one or more successors; there are too many people in Israel who once served under Netanyahu and are now in the forefront of his opposition. 

The nationalist camp ought to shake off its long-held belief that without Netanyahu, the dictatorial left-wing will come to power. An unhealthy symbiosis has been created, wherein because of the right-wing's total dependence upon Netanyahu, he can use its fears to his advantage and receive its coddling almost unconditionally. The time has come for right-wingers to realize that this need not go on, especially in light of the rot that has taken root in his office and reached its climax in the very strange story of Qatargate. 

With the elections coming up some time in the next ten months, the right-wing would be well advised to rebuild itself, and encourage the many personalities that emerged, during and after the war, to lead. Instead of Qatargate, let this be a gate of opportunity to a new nationalist camp and a new future.