The Price is Heavy, That's Why We Must Keep Fighting

by Itamar Segal, prolific columnist, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Wartime, painful as it is, requires courageous leadership that understands that victory is the only option. Any withdrawal or "deal" will worsen the situation. Leaders must withstand pressure – and that's what Netanyahu is doing. 

What we are experiencing in Israel now is exactly what war looks like: hard, painful, costly, and replete with cruel dilemmas of life and death.

Any decision to bring a brigade or division into refugee camps near Jenin or Shechem, or into the streets of Khan Yunis in Gaza, is necessarily accompanied by a high risk of holy and brave soldiers paying with their lives, as well as wounded who will remain incapacitated or restricted for the rest of their lives.

It is precisely at these so difficult moments, when our hearts and emotions are stunned at the cruel Hamas slaughter of six of our brothers and sisters after nearly 11 torturous months in captivity, that our leaders must exhibit maturity and responsibility – even if this means something that much of the public cringes at and does not accept: continuing forward in the war effort with full force.

The abysmal Oslo process, and our hasty getaways from southern Lebanon and the critically strategic Philadelphi route bordering Gaza and Egypt, are what brought upon us the wars that we are now fighting north and south. Similarly, our release of some 6,000 Palestinian terrorists in the two Rajoub deals of 1983 and 1985, in exchange for the release of a total of 9 IDF soldiers – led to the Shalit deal in which over 1,000 terrorists, including the Satan himself, Yihye Sinwar, were freed in exchange for one soldier, Gilad Shalit. And it was this that led to over 1200 deaths in the Simchat Torah massacre nearly a year ago, plus over 220 Israelis taken hostage.

Now, with 700 additional deaths during the course of the current war, our leadership must tell the nation very clearly the painful truth: "There is no choice: We must win this war decisively and absolutely. We cannot release mass murderers, we cannot retreat from Gaza, we cannot fuel Satan's stockpiles of evil. We have paid heavy prices, and we will continue to have to pay more of the same – and still and all, we have no choice but to continue."

At moments like these, we must direct our pain to the right address: cruel revenge upon the enemy in the form of a war of destruction against Hamas and Islamic Jihad and their supporters and helpers – no matter how much time it takes, no matter how much it costs, no matter how many dead, hungry, sick, and homeless result in Gaza. 

PM Netanyahu 

Whoever is partner to the evil accusations, whether directly or merely by insinuation, that Prime Minister Netanyahu is apathetic, or worse, to the fate of the hostages – has a full share themselves in pushing off their arrival home for who knows how long. Those who blame Netanyahu for the situation simply strengthen Hamas' positions in whatever negotiations are taking place, and give Sinwar pure enjoyment at the internal strife in Israel. "Look at that!" he marvels. "I just murdered six hostages – and the Israelis blame Netanyahu and demand that he cave in!" 

No, it's not Netanyahu. Those who kidnapped our Israeli citizens, tortured them, and murdered them – people of Hamas – are the ones at fault here, and it is they and their countrymen who must pay the price, with compounded interest. 

Opposition Leader Lapid and others, such as Ganz, Barak, and even Bennett, are abusing their role as leaders who know the truth: Hamas does not want a deal, and whatever conditions they "accept" can be acceptable to Israel only if it wants to commit national suicide. 

The Philadelphi Route that Israel's Cabinet voted this week, nearly unanimously, to refuse to vacate – even at the possible cost of a half-baked deal for the release of some of the hostages – is not simply a token issue. This route is a bona fide expressway for the smuggling of arms, other weapons, explosives, etc., with Egyptian backing, via which our soldiers and citizens were slaughtered and killed in battle – and the Gazans hope to continue doing so. 

Retaining Philadelphi, and the Netzarim route as well, is not only a tactical necessity; if Hamas takes over these areas, they will provide victory photos for Hamas that will make their mark in the entire Arab world, from Lebanon to Iran to Syria to Yemen, and will crown Sinwar as a historic Arab hero on the scale of Salah a-Din. The consequences will be another Oct. 7th, or even worse. 

Netanyahu has a significant, though far from exclusive, share in the formation of the situation that led up to Oct. 7th. He was the one who, pressured by the public and hollow promises by the security establishment, released Yichye Sinwar and 1,026 other terrorists for Gilad Shalit; he supported the withdrawal from Gush Katif in critical Knesset votes; and he propped up Hamas with suitcases full of cash on the assumption – supported by the Shabak, etc. – that its alternative would be even worse.

And yet, Netanyahu is emerging at this time as a leader of true stature who understands, almost alone, the importance of the hour. We cannot sweep away his actions that contributed to the situation, together with the deep decay that has pervaded the senior military establishment in Israel – but now that we are in the position that we are, Netanyahu is standing without bending against an incredible onslaught of pressures, threats, virulent protests and strident media opposition. He is proving to be strong against the United States, the security establishment, and even against his own Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, all of whom are pressuring him terribly to accept a terrible deal, instead of pushing with full force for victory over the enemy. Netanyahu is resolute in maintaining the military achievements that we have won thus far, and in striving for victory – even in the face of the tragedy of the families of the captives. 

"Let us be strong and strengthened" – despite the tremendous pain – "on behalf of our nation and on behalf of the cities of our G-d" (Samuel I 10,12). Let us pursue our enemies and catch them, and let us not return until they are wiped off the face of the earth.

Nothing Less Than Victory – and Restoration of Israel's South and North – Will Do!

by Rabbi Yoel Bin-Nun, translated by Hillel Fendel.

In the face of the American bear hug embrace for Israel in the form of weapons, supplies, and international support, the State of Israel has two ways to wage this war - our 8th War of Independence - that has been forced upon us. 

The first way is to do so quickly and decisively, setting facts on the ground. This is how we did it in the Six Day of War in 1967, in which I had the privilege of serving as a soldier in the 55th Paratroopers Brigade, and which changed the face of the region, if not the world. 

The second way is to have on ongoing war of attrition, in which every Israeli initiative is subject to American approval, even if only retroactively. This is, sadly, the current state of affairs.  

If we would have merited to have a true national unity government, as we had on the eve of the Six Day War, we might have been able to win decisively and quickly in both the south and north, with full control of Gaza and southern Lebanon. 

This would have enabled the State of Israel free rein to distribute the humanitarian aid safely and fairly; to block up and flood tunnels; to block off fuel and electricity to the enemy's command tunnels; and to force Hamas to transfer all the hostages to Egypt, with which we would then negotiate their release. As it is now, we are negotiating their release with murderers whose hold on the hostages has no legal basis [as opposed to official prisoners of war], with the constant fear that they could be murdered at any moment. 

Such a situation would also have enabled the complete return of the tens of thousands of residents of the southern and northern communities to their homes and the rebuilding of their towns. This, in fact, is the most important criterion of total victory!

What prevented the fast, decisive victory? One reason is the deep mistrust that prevails within the Israeli political leadership. The second is the intense fear of most of our political leaders to openly confront the American administration, which would be liable to result in a dangerous isolation of Israel in the UN and the world. Instead of a quick and sharp victory, the war is ongoing and slow and costs us heavily. 

And so, the final Biden-Harris administration tally (so far) is that it has put the brakes on a decisive Israeli victory, saved Hamas because of Qatari and Egyptian pressure, forced Israel to wage its offensive in a slow and surgical manner, and prevented a decisive offensive against Hizbullah in the north. 

Still and all, Israel was successful in destroying some 80% of the tunnels under Philadelphi, while Egypt looked on and did not interfere. Israel's insistence on continuing to hold this corridor is one of the main points holding up the as-yet unspecified agreement with Hamas regarding the release of some of the hostages. 

In answer to those who, with and without military qualifications, claim that we actually don't need Philadelphi because "the IDF can go back and retake it whenever it needs to," we say this: This is the same nonsense they spouted 19 years ago when we left Gush Katif. Retaking it this time has cost us many soldiers' lives, and the same will be true if we have to do it again – many more than the living captives that we may be able to save if we leave Philadelphi now.  

We cannot ignore the fact that the US helped us greatly this past April in our successful toppling and intercepting of hundreds of rockets that Iran fired at us. However, the US also did not allow us to follow up with a counter-attack that would have allowed us to smash Iran's capabilities and provide us with many years of peace. Instead, we have an ongoing Iranian threat for another offensive, which could happen at any time Iran chooses. 

The same was true in the north. When Hizbullah was threatening vengeance upon Israel for having eliminating Hamas leader Abu Haniyeh in Beirut, the Americans allowed us to carry out a pre-emptive attack. They did not, however, permit anything more, which could have led to a striking defeat of Hizbullah, and which would then have enabled the return of the northern communities to their homes.  

Thus, the American bear hug does not allow us a true victory in the north. For there is no way the residents can return if Hamas continues to man its rocket-launching posts and threaten the thousands of Israeli homes in their sights. Can you imagine if the Six Day War had ended without the IDF taking over the Golan Heights from the Syrians? Could the communities in the northern Jordan Valley or in the Galilee have possibly survived under such conditions?

Yes, it would be a great psychological victory if we could eliminate Sinwar and free the captives alive, without having to release terrorist murderers or retreat from Gaza. But even in such a scenario, there can be no true victory without the complete rehabilitation of all of our northern and southern communities. Nothing less will do!

Stop the Iranian Arms Smuggling from Jordan into Israel!

by Shai Alon, Mayor of Beit El, translated by Hillel Fendel.

These past two weeks provided several close-up opportunities for us to learn about a matter that has been of great concern for many years. It is something that the mayors of municipal councils and towns in Yosh (Judea and Samaria) have long been loudly warning about. I'm referring to the smuggling of large amounts of weapons, from Iran and elsewhere, into Judea and Samaria – for use against local pioneering Jews, and also in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem.

We saw in recent days and weeks a failed suicide terrorist in Tel Aviv; the elimination of Asin al Makdah in Lebanon, who together with his brother ran an arms smuggling operation into Yosh; and clear indications of anti-personnel mines among PA elements in Yosh. 

This is not a new phenomenon that we never knew about. It is rather something that has simply been not attended to sufficiently. Old Israel – i.e., Israel before Oct. 7th – acted in a tactical, local, and insufficient manner against the well-planned Iranian strategy that is gradually headed towards massive arming of the Arabs of Yosh and the terror organizations there. 

Old Israel, which carried out the successful Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, followed it by entering a phase of relative passivity vis-à-vis the terrorists. It thus bought a measure of quiet in Yosh, at the price of the continued entry of weapons and armed terrorists into the region. These policies of the past 20 years have brought us to a situation in which the IDF is unable to enter the PA villages without facing concrete threats to the lives of our soldiers. 

All these years, Israel preferred to avoid friction, and what we received was a threat many times larger than what we would have faced had we acted as we should have against the Iran/Jordan/PA smugglings into Judea and Samaria. 

Some ten days ago, the miraculous failure of a terrorist to detonate a suitcase full of explosives inside a packed Tel Aviv synagogue is an example of the sad reality in Yosh: Hamas and Islamic Jihad are recruiting more and more terrorists to their ranks in Judea and Samaria, as opposed to in Gaza, and are using advanced weaponry to carry out major attacks on civilian targets. 

The failed attack in Tel Aviv is actually a success from their standpoint, because of the fact that the terrorist was able to penetrate so deeply into "little Israel" with a large amount of explosives without being detected. The calamity that was avoided thanks to Divine Providence attests, more than ever, to the danger that our security forces face in Judea and Samaria. This was not an unusual incident, but rather a dangerous precedent. 

It is now the turn of "new Israel," the post-Oct. 7th Israel, to act differently and to take the bull by the horns. This could be the great opportunity of the still-new IDF Central Commander, Gen. Avi Blut, to take charge of our eastern border, through which many weapons have been smuggled, and make an essential change. True, we're engaged in a war already. But the State of Israel, and particularly its security establishment, may not allow themselves to take its eyes off this major strategic threat. 

The Arabs of Yosh's Jordan Valley, on the Jordanian border, have the will, intention, and ability to supply terrorists with many weapons and powerful charges. It is incumbent upon the security forces in the area to step up their offensives against the terrorist bodies that are increasingly establishing themselves as a leading arena in Judea and Samaria. The IDF must encircle the city centers, go from house to house, and simply clean them out of all weapons. The terrorists in Yosh must not be allowed to feel safe in their homes or in their market places. We must strengthen and reinforce the eastern border, and we must establish systems for identification, monitoring and warning, even as our ongoing security activities continue alongside it.

The current reality leaves us no choice. Israel must carry out a wide-ranging operation, as we have been calling for even before the current war began, and as is just as applicable and relevant even now. 

If not, the calamity that was averted in Tel Aviv will return to plague us in a different locale, but with horrific consequences, Heaven forbid. In order for this not to happen, we must truly internalize how explosive the situation is at present, take strong action against the smuggling, and search for and collect all the smuggled-in, dangerous weapons in Judea and Samaria.  

The recent successful liquidation of a smuggler in Lebanon must be the opening shot for "new Israel" and new, take-the-initiative policies to effectively answer our security needs.

The Dangers of the Narrow Waistline in Israel

Adapted from an article by journalist and former Likud MK Yossi Achimeir translated by Hillel Fendel.

Not many people remember that until 57 years ago, before 1967, Israel did not rule over Judea and Samaria. And yet, even so, no Palestinian state existed in these areas, nor was there a demand for one.

Actually, of course, an independent Palestinian state never existed in history, in Judea and Samaria or anywhere else. The areas west of the Jordan River were long known as the West Bank of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, and no one ever demanded that they be "liberated," or become home to an independent country.

King Hussein, the monarch of Jordan from 1953 until his death in 1999, was a ruler who did not tolerate insurgency. Any hint of a possible rebellion against the Hashemite Kingdom was immediately put down with an iron fist by the Jordanian Legion. Mercy played no role.

When the Six Day War broke out, King Hussein made the mistake of his life by joining up with the armies of Egypt and Syria against Israel – leading to his loss of Judea, Samaria, and of course, eastern Jerusalem and environs.

What happened was that the Legion fired mortar shells from the area of Kalkilye towards Tel Aviv; nearby Kibbutz Bahan, east of Netanya, was heavily bombarded in the process. Israel did not hesitate, and not only repelled the attacks, but conquered the entire area.

Why was the response so sharp and immediate? Because the Jordanian attack represented a major threat to divide the Jewish State into two parts, north and south. Only about 15 kilometers separate Netanya from the former Green Line that marked the border between Israel and Jordan. By repelling the Jordanian offensive, Israel ended up the war in control not only of Sinai, Gaza, and the Golan Heights, but also of all of Judea and Samaria (Yesha). By removing the threat from Jordan, this became the greatest of Israel's victories over her enemies.

We're now 57 years later, and reminders of the acute dangers we faced at the beginning of the Six Day War are again on our radar screen. The reminders come in the form of growing threats, but also in a more passive form: the sign at a new monument in memory of Captain Assaf Master of Kibbutz Bahan. Master was killed at the beginning of the current war while battling Palestinian terrorists in northern Gaza.

The Council for the Preservation of Cultural Sites in Israel erected a sign outside the Assaf Lookout, erected near Bahan in the fallen soldier's memory. The sign announces simply: "The Narrow Waistline of the State of Israel." It explains that the very fact of the narrow waistline was a grave danger for Israel before 1967, in that an enemy force could arrive from the east, quickly cut across to the sea, and slice the country in half. 

There is no better place for such a sign than the Assaf Lookout. For from here can be seen, on the east, the fence (with its many holes, through which Palestinians sneak into Israel) between Israel and the Shomron, while on the west, spread out as if on the palm of the observer's hand, is seen the Coastal Plane of Israel all the way to the Mediterranean Sea. 

Visitors to the site in the evening hours are treated to one of the most beautiful sunsets in all of Israel. But the beauty can be dangerously lulling. For we know that it is precisely from here, and other areas along the former Green Line, that our enemies might very well seek to infiltrate and cut our state into two. 

The narrow waistline of the sign refers to the very narrow area between the sea and the Arab-populated areas of the western Shomron. It appears that this narrowness presents a perpetual enticement for the many terrorist elements in the Shomron. 

The dimensions of the "narrow waistline" were determined by the Armistice Agreement of 1949, based on the areas the IDF had managed to reach during the War of independence of 1948-49. Iraqi forces, arriving from Jordan, had reached an Arab village named Kakon, just aside Gan Yoshiya, only two kilometers west of Bahan as the crow flies. The IDF's Alexandroni Brigade repelled the Iraqis.

Today, as well, we continue to fight off our enemies in these areas – and the dozens of Jewish communities there help bolster our security. These are similar to what in Yesha are called "settlements," but which, as even President Yitzchak Herzog said last week, are very valuable for Israeli security in general. 

Kibbutz Bahan is beautiful, vibrant, and a great place to live. Has the pre-1967 threat to it been removed? 

It does not appear so. Bahan, Bat Hefer, and the other Israeli villages in the area hear signals every evening of the military preparations being made by the terrorist organizations, whether they be shooting practice or even the sound of drilling underground tunnels. 

The nearby Arab city of Tul Karem has become a Hamas stronghold. As these words are being written, the IDF is engaged in anti-terrorist activity in the area, having encircled neighboring Tur a-Shams and eliminating five terrorists, and at least ten more in other areas nearby. But this is not expected to stop the incessant flow of infiltrations from east to west, including not only thieves, but also would-be murderers and suicide terrorists. Our forces have sent katbamim (unmanned drones) to strike down terrorists, and are taking the offensive to destroy terrorist infrastructures. 

But the danger of a Palestinian state in these areas is still quite acute. The international pressure for its establishment – and thus a re-creation of the dangers we faced before 1967 – is very strong, and we must not cave in.

Those abroad, and even here at home, who believe that peace will come only when a Palestinian state is established as a final end to the "occupation," please understand: We have learned our lesson from the Disengagement from Gush Katif (Gaza) in 2005, which led directly to the catastrophe of Oct. 7th. We realize with utmost clarity that abandoning Judea and Samaria to Palestinian rule means Hamas on Jerusalem's doorstep, and terrorists striding not only Bahan and Bat Hefer, but also Kfar Saba and even Afula. 

And to those who thought our war today is "limited" to Gaza, Hizbullah, Yemen, and Iran/Syria, the response is no: The closest front of all is right here in Judea and Samaria, where potentially lethal rock-attacks are also on the sharp rise and have become a daily occurrence.

And so, let it be clear: Israel will never again agree to revert to its "narrow waistline."

The Judge Chose Family

by Hagit Rosenbaum, Besheva correspondent, translated by Hillel Fendel.

A judge in Haifa ruled that the Technion cannot shut down a student cell that promotes family values

A ruling like the one handed down a few days ago by Haifa District Court Judge Menachem Raniel has not been seen in these parts for quite a while. A firm and fair stance by a judge in Israel to the side of an organization that supports family values has most unfortunately become a rare judicial jewel of late.

Judge Raniel accepted in its entirety the claim of the Technion's "Choosing Family" organization against the university's administration, and ordered the president of the Technion to allow the cell members to act freely, without having to change its name. The judge also ordered the university to allow the group to adapt part of the Technion's logo within its own logo, just like all the other groups on campus do. He didn't stop there, and levied nearly 12,000 shekels of court costs upon the University. 

Not only is the ruling an exciting victory - at least as long as no appeal is filed that might lead to its overturning - for the conservative organization over the LGBT winds blowing in the Technion's administration, the road that led to it was equally fascinating. In his 40-page verdict, Judge Raniel carefully analyzes each of the quotes brought by the Technion to "prove" the invalidity of the Choosing Family movement and its leader Michael Fuah. His conclusion is that there is nothing wrong with the cell's activities to encourage the values ​​of the familiar and traditional family unit. In the Jewish State, this would appear to be self-evident.

The establishment of the campus Choosing Family club in the Technion was accompanied by all sorts of problems from the very outset. First the LGBT activists on campus did not like the group's message, and then they brought Technion President Uri Sivan on board with them. 

"When we originally held our founding meeting," Puah recounted, "President Sivan wrote us an encouraging letter, basically saying that there's room for everyone on campus. But the LGBT groups put their pressure on, and a few days letter, Sivan issued another letter in which he made a complete U-turn. He wrote that we are out of bounds, that I am forbidden to enter the campus, that our cell may not carry out any activity in the Technion, and that we incite and cause disturbances and hatred and harm to the students of the Technion."

"Choosing Family" in fact lowered its profile, maintaining only a Facebook page and holding no public activities. But then, just before Chanukah in late 2021, the members decided to hold a very minor event, without the "inciting" presence of Puah and aimed only at Technion graduates. The topic was to be: How to bridge between the needs of family and those of work. After everything was already approved and the event was publicized, suddenly the university issued a ban on the event – unless the sponsoring group, "Choosing Family," was not mentioned at all!

"That was already too much for us," said Puah. "We were forced to cancel the event, and we decided to file a lawsuit against the Technion. We claimed both that they were not allowing us to hold activities, and not allowing us to use a letter from the Technion's logo in our own logo – something that all the other campus cells are allowed to do. We claimed that this was pure discrimination."

It was not only the Administration, of course, that was involved in the campaign against Choosing Family. Professors in the institution wrote public letters against it, and the Haaretz newspaper came out with a large article against the cell and the traditional, non-LGBT values that it promulgates. Puah is also filing a claim of defamation against Haaretz.

Puah is quite pleased with the ruling: "The judge dissected every single one of our statements that the Technion claimed incriminated us – and showed that what we said is legitimate and acceptable. He actually came out strongly against the Technion, asking rhetorically if, when it calls itself a liberal institution, does that mean that only liberal people and groups have the right to self-expression, or are the religious and conservative also allowed to speak on campus? He actually came down quite hard on them."

Judge Raniel rejected every accusation levied against Puah, the Choosing Family cell, and the Choosing Family movement in general. He said that nothing Puah said – except for one particular statement by Puah that requires further examination – disqualifies them from taking part in the public discourse. Because, based on the group's Facebook page, there were actually no "offensive and poisonous sayings" on their part, as had been accused, the judge ruled that the Technion's ban on the group's activities is null and void.

For example, the judge wrote that "the central position of the organization is that Israel should not recognize any family structure other than what it calls the 'natural family.' This view cannot be considered illegitimate, because it reflects the legal reality in the State of Israel." That is, Israel does not recognize same-sex marriages, unless they were effected in or by foreign countries. "It cannot be that the opinion of one who wishes to retain the legal status-quo is not legitimate, and that the only legitimate opinion is held by those who wish to change the current status."

"Even the organization's position that other family structures are destructive of our society is one that should be dealt with, by using convincing arguments to say that other family formats build society in a different way, and not just be prevented from being heard."

Here's another quote from the ruling, for yet another breath of fresh air: "The conclusion from the evidence that has been presented is that Choosing Family stands for positions that are part of a sharp controversy regarding the concept of 'family.' But even when the organization calls those who object to its positions 'family destroyers' and the like, these are not expressions of hatred, but rather the group's opinion regarding what they do, and are not curses or attempted humiliation." How simple, logical, and just – and sadly, not self-evident.

Choosing Family plans to sue the Technion for damages caused it over the two years it was unable to hold activities, as well as for defamation. It will also sue for the harm caused to Puah himself – who in the past delivered many lectures in the Technion, but was of late prevented from doing so by President Sivan's edict. 

Puah says that a similar situation is developing in Ben Gurion University in Be'er Sheva, whose administration is making life difficult for Choosing Family. The university has actually sued Choosing Family for 100,000 shekels for using what it claims is its trademarked university logo. "Not only has the symbol not been registered for 20 years," says Puah, "but we found, based on a Freedom of Information inquiry, that the university never demanded that any other organization receive permission for using its logo, and no other organization every asked for such."

Back in Haifa, Choosing Family will begin in the coming days planning its activities for the coming semester, including gatherings, lectures, and the like – and this time, with the official kashrut certificate of the State of Israel.