Not Good: Turkey Closing in on Syria

by Nitzan Kedar, journalist and author, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The fall of the Assad regime in Syria means that Syria no longer exists as the country we once knew – and that we have yet to see who will be our new neighbor to the northeast. If we worried that it would be the Islamist terrorists known as the "rebels," it now appears that our old adversary from Turkey – President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (pronounced Erdwan) – will be in charge. This is not especially cheerful news.

Erdogan's relations with Israel have known chiefly downs as far as Israel is concerned. We know that he has long conspired to revive and expand the Ottoman Turkish Empire (which fell apart over a century ago), and Syria now seems to have fallen into his hands like ripe fruit. If he succeeds in forming a Sunni axis together with Qatar, following his successes in taking advantage of current Russian and Israeli weaknesses in light of their respective wars, and of Iran's loss of regional influence, this is liable to mark the beginning of "Turkish Syria."

Erdogan hold another card as well, namely, support from the "rebels," led by the new Syrian leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa. Formerly known as Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, he will apparently grant Erdogan the rights to build Turkish military bases in Syria and to redraw the maritime borders between Syria and Turkey.

The Turkish president's plan is to take over oil-rich northeastern Syria, while declaring war on the Kurds, his nemesis who currently control the region. What is stopping him is only the fear that the United States will intervene in favor of the Kurds. It's true that President-elect Trump, in his previous term, essentially abandoned the Kurds, and has even said that "the United States has nothing to look for in Syria." However, this is not the approach of the Pentagon, and some Republican senators have already said that they are working with Trump to change his mind. The situation remains murky, but Erdogan is planning to do all he can to ensure maximum Turkish presence in Syria.

Turkish foreign-affairs expert Dr. Chai Eitan Cohen Yanarocak says that even back in 2011, after the civil war broke out in Syria, "Erdogan took a hostile approach to Assad… The Turks view Syria as historically Sunni, not Alawi, and saw the Arab Spring as a type of opportunity to return the crown to its former glory. And if the Turks can't return to Syria themselves, they'll settle for having Turkish loyalists in power there. They also wanted to throw the Iranians out of Turkey's back door – and now they see their chance to do all this."

"The Turks say to themselves," Yanarocak continues, "'If we invested so much here, including lives of our soldiers, the time has now come to reap the profits.' So they will deepen their hold in Syria via a host of projects in construction and infrastructures such as building airports, radar installations, highways, new military bases, electricity, and searching for oil and gas. These are all a way of telling the Syrians, 'we're here to stay.'"

Asked whether Erdogan is seeking to replace Russia, which was heavily involved in Syria in recent years, Yanarocak responded: "The situation with Russia is still unclear. A significant portion of the Russian forces have left Syria, but they still remain strong in two regions. No one knows now what will be with the army bases there. Clearly the Russians will try to banish the Turks, but the latter are very anxious to replace the Russians and will do all they can for that purpose."

Erdogan also would love to abolish the Kurdish autonomy in Syria, although, as stated the Americans represent a threat to these plans. Asked about Foreign Minister Gideon Saar's recent declaration that Israel will support the Kurds, Yanarocak said that such statements "cause great harm to the State of Israel, because they increase Turkish hostility towards us. In my opinion, because the Kurds have no access to the sea and because they are absolutely dependent upon Turkey and the rebels' new regime, they will not be able to supply us, Israel, with any advantage."

Yanarocak is not optimistic about the American role in the future Syria: "Without the Turks, the U.S. will have no word with the new Syria. We know Trump as a businessman, and he will want to maximize American interests in the region. I don't think he cares that much about the Kurdish nation. A few years ago, when the Turks demanded that the U.S. withdraw from the area, Trump did so. The Americans folded and the Turks entered. Afterwards, when the Pentagon exerted pressure, Trump stopped the Turks. Perhaps now, however, Trump will view the situation differently, because so many things have changed there."

"In short," Yanarocak concluded, "there is no doubt that the relations between Israel and Turkey will be even more tense than they are now."

From Interrogation to Target

by Haggai Huberman , journalist and author, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The latest annual Shabak report reveals new anti-terrorist and anti-espionage methods and impressive successes.

The Shabak (Israel's General Security Service, also known as Shin Bet, corresponding to the American FBI) released its annual summary report this past week, entitled, "The Shabak in a Multi-Front War." It contains some interesting facts and insights regarding the war in Gaza, the anti-terrorism war in Judea and Samaria, the Arabs of Israel, and increased Iranian attempts to recruit spies in Israel.

The most significant change in 2024 was the fact that most intelligence from Gaza is now gathered physically from within Gaza. Under the current war conditions, Shabak agents entered the area, together with IDF forces, in order to recruit and activate agents "on the spot." This is the first time since the Disengagement withdrawal, nearly 20 years ago, that this is happening – and not at all by coincidence. The withdrawal engineered by then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, a Yom Kippur war hero, was the beginning of the process that ended on Simchat Torah of 2023 with the unforeseen slaughter of 1,200 Israelis and the kidnapping of 250 more. This occurred at least partly because barely any valuable intelligence information was obtainable from Gaza for nearly two decades.

This is of course further proof that no technological means, no matter how up-to-date, can ever replace the "personal contact" between the Shin Bet and its agents – spies – on the ground. Signals intelligence (SIGINT) cannot exclusively take the place of human intelligence (HUMINT), and the Shabak learned, and implemented, this over the past year.

In 2024, the joint Shabak-IDF activity resulted in over 1,350 arrestees, including some 40 senior operatives and commanders, 165 close associates of senior officials, 45 involved in the Oct. 7 slaughter, and 100 who apparently have information regarding the hostages.

Saving Lives in Real Time

The main question facing the Shabak over the years was how to make the best, and fastest, use of the information garnered during interrogations. For it is clear that much of the intelligence gathered in this way has no value at all if not utilized as quickly as possible. For this purpose, a new unit was established in the Shin Bet entitled "From Interrogation to Target," which, as its name implies, aims to formulate targets as immediately as possible. The current report reveals that during the war, hundreds of targets in Gaza have been attacked whose information came directly from Shabak investigations. As a result, over 30 (!) top Hamas terrorists in Gaza have been liquidated, as well as hundreds of others on slightly lower levels.

In addition, the investigations led to life-saving information that was passed on to IDF forces on the ground, including warnings about booby-trapped houses, and more.

Not only that, seven hostages were freed by Israeli forces in three different operations, planned and led by the Shabak. Valuable information was also obtained that led to the finding of nine bodies of hostages that were rescued from Gaza and brought to burial in Israel.

Another mission that the Shabak took on was to "pay back" those who took part in the Simchat Torah slaughter. A special command office was set up for this purpose, and succeeded in killing dozens of those known as Nukhba terrorists.

As far as Lebanon and the northern front is concerned, the Shabak significantly stepped up its work there this past year, especially in light of increased Hamas activity in Lebanon. The Shabak increased its intelligence gathering and thwarting of terrorist actions in the Land of the Cedars.

Yesha: Over 1,000 Attacks Thwarted

The report features some amazing stats related to the Yesha (Judea and Samaria) front, where the Shabak thwarted 1,040 significant attacks this year. These included 689 attempted shootings, 326 bomb attacks, 13 stabbings, 9 attempted car-rammings, two suicide attacks, and even an attempted kidnapping. Dozens of special IDF-Shabak operations were carried out in Yesha, including 13 airstrikes.

* Let the reader imagine that these numbers did not measure "thwarted attacks," but rather attacks that were actually carried out. The State of Israel would have been in a very different place during this past year-plus of war…

And what about the Israeli-Arabs? We tend to think that they have sat quietly during this past year, but this is true only for the general populace, which did not riot as it did throughout Israel during the "Guardians of the Wall." But in terms of individuals, some 20 Israeli-Arab terrorist gangs were uncovered as they planned attacks against their fellow citizens, including five rings that planned car-bombs and other bombings. Again, it is not hard to guess the catastrophic effects if five car-bombs had exploded in Israel during the course of the war.

During the course of 2024, some 80 cases involving Israeli-Arabs were investigated, including 26 in which the suspects swore allegiance to or planned to carry out terrorist activity inspired by global jihad and the Islamic State (ISIS) within Israel.

Administrative Detention for Arms Dealing

This year also saw, for the first time, administrative detention for arms dealers, as part of the war against criminal activity that spills over into terrorist activity.

The Shabak report reveals much about Iran's increased attempts – and successes – to recruit spies within Israel. During the course of 2024, 13 grave espionage cases involving Israelis working on behalf of Iran were uncovered. No fewer than 37 Israelis were investigated, and 27 have been charged with very serious crimes with possible life imprisonment sentences. These represent an approximate 400% rise over the year 2023. The discovery of these spy rings, or individuals, led to the thwarting of attacks of terrorism, espionage, and even assassination.

It is estimated that dozens of Israelis were in touch with Iranian intelligence agents during these past 15 months of war, and that hundreds of others were contacted by them. The publication of these stories has led to increased public awareness of the seriousness of the Iranian intentions, and therefore the nipping in the bud of other potential Iranian spies among Israelis.

Let's Keep On Winning – and Not Stop!

by Emmanuel Shilo, editor of the Besheva weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

1. We hadn't even quite digested the wondrous miracle of our successes against the cruel Hezbollah terrorist organization, when suddenly, we merited to see another amazing series of events: the collapse of the evil regime of our bitter Syrian enemy and the destruction of nearly its entire army.

The work of toppling the Assad dictatorship was done for us by others, leaving us with the job of making the courageous decisions to reap the fruits thereof. Thus, the humongous and costly war machine that Assad's Alawites built, with the help of Russia and Iran, was liquidated in a matter of days with no opposition, in an unprecedented blitz carried out by our air and naval forces.  

These are amazingly great days, in which we are privileged to see the fulfillment of the verse, "Gladden us in accordance with the days You afflicted us" (Psalms 90,15). After the calamitous strike we suffered on Simchat Torah over a year ago, when our rejoicing turned into such grief, we now see that G-d has given our enemies into the hands of our armed forces in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria.

Our joy is far from complete, however. The formidable missions before us have not yet been completed. On all fronts the situation is quite sensitive, and the war rages on as we continue to pay high prices with the loss of additional holy and pure soldiers. But there is no doubt that our situation on Oct. 7th has turned around most concretely. No longer are we beaten and bruised, but are rather carrying out that which King David prayed for: "I will pursue my enemies and overtake them, never turning back until they are consumed" (18,38). We began the year 5785 with the unbelievable beeper attack, continued with the liquidation of the evil Nasrallah, and from there have climbed from one success to the next, from the lowly tunnels of Gaza to the summit of what has long been the Syrian Mt. Hermon – and which is now ours. If until now the Hermon has been "the eyes of Israel," now, with the capture of the higher, Syrian summit, these eyes can see much further.

2. Now that Syria and Hezbollah have fallen and will apparently not be threatening us any time soon, the three remaining great challenges that face us are these: putting an end to Iran's nuclear program, defeating Hamas decisively, and freeing our 100 captives, about a third of whom are known to be dead, from Hamas captivity.

These challenges are not at all simple. But now is not the time to tire, nor may we allow ourselves to suffice with less than the achievement of all three. The major changes that have already happened, and those that can be expected in the near future, enable and obligate us to think big and carry them out.

In less than five weeks, Joe Biden and his administration will finally leave the world stage, and Donald Trump – a friend of Israel in deed, not just in heart – will replace him. Though Biden has long supported Israel, it must be emphasized that his stubborn insistence on more and more humanitarian aid to Gaza – well beyond that which was needed for the Gazan population to survive – was that which allowed Hamas to survive throughout these 14 months of war.

Our own government also failed in this area, in enabling Hamas to take control of the humanitarian supplies, providing for themselves in greater quantities than what they left over for the populace.

The objective of the IDF's continued fighting in the Gaza Strip has been to create a sterile zone clean of Hamas terrorists, in which only those who have been carefully examined will be allowed to enter and receive the necessary supplies directly from our hands without Hamas intervention. This will greatly weaken Hamas, and is thus important for Israel.

Hamas is willing to make a deal now to release our hostages because it knows that when Trump becomes President again, the terms for any deal will be much worse for the terrorists than they are now. Still, we are far from guaranteed that Hamas will agree to release all the hostages, for it wishes to continue to torture at least some of them and the entire Israeli society. But even if Hamas does agree, it will be at a terribly high price for Israel, including the release of hundreds of dangerous terrorists from Israeli prison who will try to carry out the next wave of kidnappings. Israel may also be forced to end the war now, which itself will be a victory for Hamas. If this is the endnote of our 14 months of war and casualties, our accomplishments on the other fronts are likely to be endangered, as it will provide encouragement to the Shiites in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and our other enemies to continue their war against us.

3. We must therefore try to hold on and hold out until Trump takes over, when we will be able to see our hostages come home without suffering the defeat described above. If there are those who see the current weakening of Hamas as an "opportunity" to reach a terrible agreement with Hamas, they would be advised to remember those who saw the weakening of the PLO as a reason to sign the Oslo Accords – which brought us tens of thousands of uniformed terrorists and the establishment of the Palestinian Terrorist Authority.

True, it is hard to continue to stand strong in the face of the suffering of the hostages, the anguish of their families, and the pressure of the media, who are once again emotionally and shortsightedly trying to push us into a disastrous deal like that which freed Gilad Shalit. But now is the time for the government to show leadership, exercise reason, think about the nation and not just individuals, and focus on the long term beyond today and tomorrow.

We, the religious-Zionist public, must also behave responsibly. The left-wingers who have always wanted "Peace Now" and now want "Hostages Now," are looking to us to help them swing the pendulum. We must remember our commitment to true victory, and not lend our voices to capitulation. Similarly, we must not be tempted to fight for Hareidi recruitment, which is liable to lead – as the left-wingers’ hope – to the downfall of the only government that is striving for Israel's true victory.

Another challenge that we must overcome is the judicial establishment, ensconced in its ivory tower and unable to rise to the greatness and importance of the occasion. We know that there is no one else in the Israeli political establishment who can wage the war as well as Netanyahu – and yet they insist that he spend hours every day testifying about champagne and cigars. It is truly too bad that even those who hate him cannot realize that we need him to run our multi-front war for the entire country much more than we need him trying to defend himself from trivial accusations. 

The Judge Chose Family

by Hagit Rosenbaum, Besheva correspondent, translated by Hillel Fendel.

A judge in Haifa ruled that the Technion cannot shut down a student cell that promotes family values

A ruling like the one handed down a few days ago by Haifa District Court Judge Menachem Raniel has not been seen in these parts for quite a while. A firm and fair stance by a judge in Israel to the side of an organization that supports family values has most unfortunately become a rare judicial jewel of late.

Judge Raniel accepted in its entirety the claim of the Technion's "Choosing Family" organization against the university's administration, and ordered the president of the Technion to allow the cell members to act freely, without having to change its name. The judge also ordered the university to allow the group to adapt part of the Technion's logo within its own logo, just like all the other groups on campus do. He didn't stop there, and levied nearly 12,000 shekels of court costs upon the University. 

Not only is the ruling an exciting victory - at least as long as no appeal is filed that might lead to its overturning - for the conservative organization over the LGBT winds blowing in the Technion's administration, the road that led to it was equally fascinating. In his 40-page verdict, Judge Raniel carefully analyzes each of the quotes brought by the Technion to "prove" the invalidity of the Choosing Family movement and its leader Michael Fuah. His conclusion is that there is nothing wrong with the cell's activities to encourage the values ​​of the familiar and traditional family unit. In the Jewish State, this would appear to be self-evident.

The establishment of the campus Choosing Family club in the Technion was accompanied by all sorts of problems from the very outset. First the LGBT activists on campus did not like the group's message, and then they brought Technion President Uri Sivan on board with them. 

"When we originally held our founding meeting," Puah recounted, "President Sivan wrote us an encouraging letter, basically saying that there's room for everyone on campus. But the LGBT groups put their pressure on, and a few days letter, Sivan issued another letter in which he made a complete U-turn. He wrote that we are out of bounds, that I am forbidden to enter the campus, that our cell may not carry out any activity in the Technion, and that we incite and cause disturbances and hatred and harm to the students of the Technion."

"Choosing Family" in fact lowered its profile, maintaining only a Facebook page and holding no public activities. But then, just before Chanukah in late 2021, the members decided to hold a very minor event, without the "inciting" presence of Puah and aimed only at Technion graduates. The topic was to be: How to bridge between the needs of family and those of work. After everything was already approved and the event was publicized, suddenly the university issued a ban on the event – unless the sponsoring group, "Choosing Family," was not mentioned at all!

"That was already too much for us," said Puah. "We were forced to cancel the event, and we decided to file a lawsuit against the Technion. We claimed both that they were not allowing us to hold activities, and not allowing us to use a letter from the Technion's logo in our own logo – something that all the other campus cells are allowed to do. We claimed that this was pure discrimination."

It was not only the Administration, of course, that was involved in the campaign against Choosing Family. Professors in the institution wrote public letters against it, and the Haaretz newspaper came out with a large article against the cell and the traditional, non-LGBT values that it promulgates. Puah is also filing a claim of defamation against Haaretz.

Puah is quite pleased with the ruling: "The judge dissected every single one of our statements that the Technion claimed incriminated us – and showed that what we said is legitimate and acceptable. He actually came out strongly against the Technion, asking rhetorically if, when it calls itself a liberal institution, does that mean that only liberal people and groups have the right to self-expression, or are the religious and conservative also allowed to speak on campus? He actually came down quite hard on them."

Judge Raniel rejected every accusation levied against Puah, the Choosing Family cell, and the Choosing Family movement in general. He said that nothing Puah said – except for one particular statement by Puah that requires further examination – disqualifies them from taking part in the public discourse. Because, based on the group's Facebook page, there were actually no "offensive and poisonous sayings" on their part, as had been accused, the judge ruled that the Technion's ban on the group's activities is null and void.

For example, the judge wrote that "the central position of the organization is that Israel should not recognize any family structure other than what it calls the 'natural family.' This view cannot be considered illegitimate, because it reflects the legal reality in the State of Israel." That is, Israel does not recognize same-sex marriages, unless they were effected in or by foreign countries. "It cannot be that the opinion of one who wishes to retain the legal status-quo is not legitimate, and that the only legitimate opinion is held by those who wish to change the current status."

"Even the organization's position that other family structures are destructive of our society is one that should be dealt with, by using convincing arguments to say that other family formats build society in a different way, and not just be prevented from being heard."

Here's another quote from the ruling, for yet another breath of fresh air: "The conclusion from the evidence that has been presented is that Choosing Family stands for positions that are part of a sharp controversy regarding the concept of 'family.' But even when the organization calls those who object to its positions 'family destroyers' and the like, these are not expressions of hatred, but rather the group's opinion regarding what they do, and are not curses or attempted humiliation." How simple, logical, and just – and sadly, not self-evident.

Choosing Family plans to sue the Technion for damages caused it over the two years it was unable to hold activities, as well as for defamation. It will also sue for the harm caused to Puah himself – who in the past delivered many lectures in the Technion, but was of late prevented from doing so by President Sivan's edict. 

Puah says that a similar situation is developing in Ben Gurion University in Be'er Sheva, whose administration is making life difficult for Choosing Family. The university has actually sued Choosing Family for 100,000 shekels for using what it claims is its trademarked university logo. "Not only has the symbol not been registered for 20 years," says Puah, "but we found, based on a Freedom of Information inquiry, that the university never demanded that any other organization receive permission for using its logo, and no other organization every asked for such."

Back in Haifa, Choosing Family will begin in the coming days planning its activities for the coming semester, including gatherings, lectures, and the like – and this time, with the official kashrut certificate of the State of Israel.

From Hebron to Be'eri: The Last Morph?

by Yossi Achimeir, former senior advisor to Prime Minister Yitzchak Shamir and Director of the Jabotinsky Institute, translated by Hillel Fendel. 

The day before Shmini Atzeret, October 6th one month ago, was the last day of the "previous" version of the State of Israel. The headlines of that day dealt with the infighting regarding how to celebrate Simchat Torah in public – with or without partitions, or whether to do so at all. And the next thing we knew, instead of dancing joyfully with the Torah, we found ourselves in the worst of calamities.

Our days are now spent seeking to wipe out Hamas-ISIS and counting our dead. A new and wretched chapter has begun in our country's history, featuring a very difficult war, as well as quiet anxiety regarding the major domestic changes that are sure to follow.

The ongoing war in Gaza made some major changes to our expected calendar of events for October, which by all accounts was to feature more anti-government protest demonstrations, stronger societal fissures, ever-increasing internal Arab violence, and even the opening of the new Philharmonic season. But two other important dates were also all but deleted from the public consciousness: the memorial days for Lt .-Gen. (res.) and Prime Minister Yitzchak Rabin, who was murdered on Nov. 4, 1995, and that of Maj.-Gen. (res.) and Tourism Minister Rehavam (Gandi) Ze'evi, who was murdered by Palestinian terrorists on Oct. 17, 2001. 

Who this month had time or energy to commune with the memory of these two, when so many hundreds of Israelis were just murdered on one terrible day? After hundreds were abducted to Gaza, after entire communities were reduced to ruins, and more than 350 IDF soldiers fell at once?

But let us focus momentarily on Ze'evi and his legacy for our times. He was murdered in his hotel room, before the eyes of his wife Yael, as he was preparing for a morning media interview. He was a great warrior, a son of the Land, quite familiar with the extremist Arab elements and their deep murderous hatred and dreams of driving the Jews out of the Holy Land. Gandi, as he was known, paid with his life at the hands of three terrorists who specifically sought him out because of his promotion of the idea of "voluntary transfer." His conception of the solution of the bloody ongoing conflict between the Jewish Nation and the Arabs living here was the relocation of the latter to the east, past the Jordan River. He understood that only total separation would do the job. 

He was spared from seeing how the idea of transfer was actually forced upon a different population – the Jews of Gush Katif, by his colleague Ariel Sharon in 2005. And both of them were spared from seeing the disastrous consequences of this expulsion 18 years later that turned our lives upside down and brought upon us our greatest catastrophic blow since the Holocaust.

Gandi was a man of books. No one was a greater lover of the homeland than him, as attested by his rich home library of books on everything about the Land of Israel. Whenever he had time off from his political work, he translated into Hebrew and edited the travel diaries of 19th-century European voyagers to the Land. These, of course, spoke of a desolate, primal, largely empty land, dotted with Arab villages, and a few Jewish residents(translators note: In 1844, Jews comprised the largest population group in Jerusalem, and by 1896 had an absolute majority), and many Biblical place names. 

Seven years before his murder, Ze'evi published a treatise on the Hebron massacre of 1929, in which 67 Jews were cruelly butchered by their Arab neighbors. The survivors of the travesty were then relocated out of the city, ending the Jewish presence in the City of the Patriarchs, until it was once again renewed following the Six-Day War.

That slaughter, too, like the one a month ago, took place on a Sabbath. Ze'evi wrote in his introduction: "The Arabs of Hebron beat, stabbed, cut off limbs, pierced stomachs, raped women, murdered and slaughtered every Jew they could find – children, women, men, the elderly. The Arabs burnt the ancient synagogues, destroyed the Hadassah medical clinic, and looted the homes of the Jews… The holy city of Hebron became a city of killing. Pogroms, slaughter and massacres had been a part of Jewish history throughout our history, but here they were being repeated in all their horror in the Holy Land as well." 

This was a book designed to shock. Its photos spared barely any of the sickening details: a baby with its skull split open, a hand with its fingers chopped off, a severed arm, many corpses, burnt Torah scrolls – and even a photo of 13-month-old Shloimeleh Slonim whose parents had been murdered. The look in his frightened eyes tells the whole story – though he, Shlomo, survived and lived to reach the age of 86.

Some 65 years after the Hebron massacre, in the 46th year of the State of Israel, Gandi wished to present, as he put it, a "monument to the memory of those who were slaughtered, and a reminder to the living. The murderous riots of 1929 in Hebron and elsewhere in the Holy Land teach us that we cannot deposit our security in the hands of foreign elements. They further teach that the Arabs will take advantage of every opportunity to cut us off from our homeland and from the Land of Life – and will then even deny our accounts and will call them 'Jewish lies and propaganda.'" 

Just like the Kishinev pogrom of 1903, the Hebron massacre of 1929 has been imprinted strongly upon our national consciousness. Both were the result of unbridled anti-Semitic hatred and chiefly of Jewish helplessness. Rehavam Ze'evi presented us with a warning sign – in his military career, in his political activity, in his Knesset speeches that angered many, and in this booklet – so that we would free ourselves of distorted ideas about living in peace with murderous enemies before they cost us in blood. 

As Commander of Israel's IDF Central Command, Gandi was well aware of the terrible attacks carried out by terrorists in his time. He pursued the terrorist organizations in full force, and in most cases, the long arm of the IDF caught the wretched murderers and prevented more disasters. But I doubt whether even he ever contemplated the possibility of the calamitous failure that happened to us last month on Simchat Torah.

Now, after it has happened, will the lessons he wanted to teach us be learned? Will we make the necessary changes? 

And to those who wish to spare us the horrors of exactly what happened in southern Israel a month ago, is there any point in doing so? Gandi, in his hard-to-read book, did not spare us; is there in fact any reason to hide the horrors of our day, those that show the essence of our enemies, so that we may finally give up our illusions?

Our Unconditional Pledge of Allegiance to Defend Israel

 by Rabbi Eliezer Shenvald, translated & by Hillel Fendel

Pilots and Officers have, tragically, threatened not to show up for the privilege of defending our country, in the mistaken thought that their pledge to serve was taken conditionally.

One of the most exciting and emotional moments in the process of young cadets joining the IDF is the hashbaah, the swearing-in ceremony. 

When the Israel Defense Forces was established (Order of the Day, 22 Iyar 5708/May 31, 1948), the General Staff instituted that every new soldier take an oath of loyalty (or simply "declare," if he is religious, which generally precludes taking an oath) as he receives his first IDF rifle and Bible. 

Israel's first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, understood the special importance of this occasion in a democratic state. It guarantees that the soldiers are totally subordinate to the "recognized authorities" of the State of Israel, without reservations or conditions. 

Before the establishment of the State in 1948, the Jewish entity in the Holy Land was engaged in years of struggle with the ruling British – not as part of one army, but rather in separate ideological groups, such as the Palmach (part of the Haganah), Irgun, and Lechi. Such an arrangement is unthinkable in a democratic state, for there must be one single, popularly-elected, authoritative body. As Ben-Gurion himself wrote in his book Uniqueness and Destiny: "An army that is not absolutely subservient to the democratic regime of the people, ultimately takes control over the nation and leads to military anarchy."

This is why he dismantled the Palmach as an independent military organization, and ordered its integration within the IDF. This decision was strongly opposed, especially among members of the left-wing Mapam party, which felt that the Palmach should continue under the auspices of the Histadrut. Most fortunately, Ben Gurion remained firm.

It was also Ben-Gurion who very precisely formulated the oath of allegiance "to the State, to its laws, and to its authorized governing bodies." Specifically, it states: "I hereby swear and commit myself by my word of honor to maintain loyalty to the State of Israel, to its laws, and to its authorized authorities; to accept unconditionally and without reservation the yoke of the discipline of the Israel Defense Forces; to obey all orders and instructions given by the authorized commanders; and to devote all my strengths and even sacrifice my life to the defense of the homeland and the freedom of Israel."

Not for naught did Ben-Gurion specify that every soldier accept this oath upon himself "unconditionally and without reservation" – for he understood that this was not a "conditional contract" of a give-and-take nature. Rather, each soldier was to give of himself during his time in uniform to the "recognized authorities" of the State, without preconditions.

In the thick of the military campaign for Israel's independence, when the country's fate and the lives of its residents faced mortal danger, this understanding was sharpened: The soldier, a citizen of the state, enlists in a "people's army" – a "compulsory army" and not a "mercenary army," and certainly not a "volunteer army," for the protection of the State and the lives of its residents and his own family.

The soldier and the State are one body, not separate entities; an army of the people that protects and defends the lives of your neighbors, families, and even yourself. The trust it places in us, and the commitments we take upon ourselves for it, are therefore absolute. As such, there is no difference between obligatory service and volunteerism [as some opponents of the judicial reform legislation tried to claim these past weeks in maintaining that though they would not avoid obligatory service, their political stance permitted them to stop volunteering for the army]. Nor is our military service stipulated by a mutually-signed contract, with restrictions and conditions. Only mercenary soldiers sign a contract with their employers! In our case, we are obligated as soldiers of the IDF to serve, with no give-and-take and with no ifs, ands, or buts.  

When is a contract necessary? When one side refuses to recognize his obligations. This is what appeared to happen with the Tribes of Reuven and Gad when the Israelites were about to enter the Promised Land. These tribes said they wanted to settle the eastern banks of the Jordan River, and Moshe Rabbeinu feared that they wished to separate from the nation and not take part with their brethren in fighting for and settling the western side of the Promised Land. 

Moshe therefore formulated a "contract" with them that would unambiguously define their obligations to take part in the war for the Land, and never to part ways with the rest of the nation: 

"Moshe said to them: If you do the following, and go out before G-d to war, and cross the Jordan before G-d [and fight] until He drives out His enemies before Him, and [until] the land is conquered before G-d – then you may return [to the eastern bank of the Jordan River]…" (Bamidbar 32,20-30)

Moshe made it quite clear in his lengthy speech to Gad and Reuven, and to part of the Tribe of Menashe who joined them, what would be the consequences if they would not fulfill their side of the bargain. Moshe made what is known as a "double condition," spelling out both what would happen if they fulfilled the condition, and what would happen if they did not. This "contract" became the archetype of Jewish business contracts, which must include the "conditions of Gad and Reuven," to avoid any possibility of a misunderstanding, and to preclude either side from saying, "The contract says only what must happen, but not what will be if it does not happen."

Moshe, in his wisdom, understood the need for a contract with clear obligations. When it comes time to fulfill commitments, there is an inclination among those for whom those commitments are not convenient at that given time to try to reinterpret and explain the contract in an imaginary way that jibes with their desires. 

In the end, Gad, Reuven and Menashe fulfilled all their obligations in the contract, and received their inheritance in the lands of Gilad, Bashan, and environs, east of the Jordan. However, the geographic separation caused more than one incident of tensions between the 2.5 tribes and the rest of Israel; see Joshua 25, for instance. 

During these days preceding Tisha B'Av – the ninth day of the month of Av, the anniversary of the destruction of both Holy Temples and other calamities in Jewish history – we mourn not only the tragedies, but the sins that led up to them. We must be particularly mindful of causeless hatred and lack of unity, and must certainly not allow the readiness and strength of the IDF to deteriorate. As the Rambam wrote some 850 years ago about the events of our defeat by the Romans: 

"And it is for this that we lost our kingdom, and our Holy Temple was destroyed, and our Exile has lengthened until now – because our forefathers sinned and are no longer, for they found many books about astrology, etc., and did not engage in military studies and conquests, but rather thought that those things [astrology, etc.] would help them." (from the Rambam's letter to sages in southern France)

Our generation has the great privilege of being able to enlist in our "national army," to protect our very own State. Let us not forfeit our unconditional allegiance for contractual agreements that allow for all sorts of loopholes and belie our natural bonds with our people. 

The Siege Around Megiddo: A Dangerous Taste of the Future?

by Yossi Achimeir – journalist, former MK, translated & adapted by Hillel Fendel

Every Friday, Arab gangs from the Galilee demonstrate and protest with signs and angry chants, demanding that Israel "return the fields of Megiddo to their original owners." Will this be allowed to continue?

The Land of Israel between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River is populated, as is well-known, by three different Arab minorities: 

Within Israel itself, there is an Arab minority of full-fledged citizens of the state. In Judea and Samaria, the Arab majority is under the aegis of the Palestinian Authority (Areas A and B), and in Gaza, they are a political entity unto themselves. Thus, Gaza is totally Arab; Yesha has an Arab majority and a Jewish minority of over a half-million Jews; and Israel has a 20-21% minority of Arabs. 

The Arab minority in Israel is very different than minorities in other countries around the world. Most minorities are homogeneous groups, basically unrelated to other communities outside the borders of their home countries. The Jews in America are an exception to this rule, as they are full-fledged US citizens but with a clear attachment, sentimentally and in other ways, to the Jewish State, which is of course thousands of miles distant from them.

In Israel, the two-million strong Arab population, some 9% of which are Christian Arabs, is a minority in Israel – but a part of the overwhelming Arab majority that surrounds Israel. They see themselves as "Palestinian citizens of Israel," yet an intrinsic part of Jewish-Israeli society, which itself is a minority in the Middle East.

An Israeli-Arab generally doesn't have to get on a plane to visit an Arab country or entity. He can rather take his car to go shopping in Jenin or one of the Arab villages in what he calls the West Bank, and can even easily cross the border into the Jordanian Kingdom, and feel at home there. As an Israeli-Arab, he enjoys the benefits of both worlds: He lives in the most advanced country in the region, with a standard of living higher than his fellow Arabs in other countries (except for the United Arab Emirates, of course), and is able to hop over with ease to an Arab-run society. When he visits in Egypt or Jordan, he does not hide his Israeli identity, and is even proud of it.

The Arab minority society is an important part of Israeli life. Its members are among the builders of the land, having paved roads, built intersections, skyscrapers, and even private homes, both Jewish and Arab. They are also pharmacists, nurses, doctors, lawyers, soccer players, and more. Ask an Arab Israeli if he would like to be a citizen of the "Palestinian state," and he will either laugh at you or become horrified at the mere idea of it.

During Israel's 75 years of existence, there were not many cases of Arab insurrection and riots interfering with the co-existence. Of course, the riots of May 2021 [chiefly in Jerusalem, Lod and Acre] and October 2000 were among the exceptions. Fanatic religious clerics in Um el-Fahm and elsewhere did not hide their hatred for the Jewish Nation, and incited and called for strong-arm protests and road-blockings, until they were arrested.

In truth, Islamic fanaticism was always a thorn in the side of co-existence in Israel, and this trend continues to intensify. Arab memories of 1948 are very much alive of their former homes and villages that they abandoned, never to return. Less remembered is that their Arab leaders called on them to leave their homes, so that the fledgling State of Israel could be more easily overrun and wiped out. What they call the Nakba [the "catastrophe" of their defeat in Israel's War of Independence] is constantly brought up, and is taking up more and more of the young generation's awareness and consciousness. Israeli-Arabs increasingly wave PLO flags, in solidarity with their brothers in the "West Bank" and as a signal of defiance and insolence against their home country. Not a few terrorist murderers have sprung up from their midst, using their status in Israel to their full benefit.

And in fact, the Islamist incitement in Israel has begun to bear more fruit of late. Incidents of challenges to Israeli sovereignty and its rule of law are increasing in Israeli-Arab society. No longer a matter just of frustrated individuals, entire groups now seek to instigate and provoke, taking full advantage of Israeli democracy.

And here's the most alarming phenomenon to occur, and it bodes ill, or worse, for future Jewish–Arab relations in Israel: Every Friday over the past few months, dozens of Arabs of the lower Galilee essentially besiege the southern exit to Kibbutz Megiddo in the Jezreel Valley, demanding that the kibbutz "return" them some of the Kibbutz lands. They are acting partially at the behest of the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement, which was outlawed by Israel because of its ties with Hamas and the Islamic Brotherhood. They overrun and damage kibbutz fields, hold prayer services there, chant slogans, wave PLO flags, and threaten the residents with their presence. "If you want us to stop, return the lands," they say.

At first glance, they seem to have a point. Megiddo is in fact situated, at least partially, on the site of the abandoned Arab village Lajun. The fact that the residents of pre-1948 left voluntarily when riled up by their own leaders and told that their choice was either to be "massacred" by Jewish forces, or to help, at least in spirit, five Arab nations destroy Israel so that they could then return victoriously to their homes – all this does not, in their eyes, mar their case.

The case of Megiddo cannot be allowed to turn back history. The boundaries of Israel were recognized by the United Nations and by the nations that attacked Israel and lost. The Arabs of the Galilee have no right to besiege a Kibbutz with Mafia-style demands to "give us lands or else." What will be next? Will Arabs arrive en-masse in northern Tel Aviv and issue an ultimatum that the land on which is built Tel Aviv University – with its reputation for pro-Palestinian positions – be evacuated so that the village of Sheikh Munis can be rebuilt there? And what about Jaffa, where abandoned villas now house bleeding-heart liberal Israelis who call for "justice for Palestinians"? 

Not Paying Attention

The weekly events around the socialist Kibbutz Megiddo are not being accorded sufficient public attention. Many of those who should be taking note are too busy with judicial reform and the Netanyahu trial. But in truth, we can simply not afford to view what is happening with Megiddo as anything less than a loud warning signal as to what could happen in the future elsewhere in the country.

If the Arabs of Israel wish to continue to co-exist with us in a mutually beneficial manner, they must lay down once and for all the idea of their supposed "right of return," which basically stems from hostile Ramallah and the Palestinian Authority. If they wish to help the Palestinians establish another Arab state and also to facilitate the end of the State of Israel, they must be put in their place – and quickly.

Megiddo is an example for the entire State of Israel. If the Arab nationalist current is not halted in Megiddo, the Arab majority that surrounds us as a minority country in the Middle East will become emboldened – endangering both Jews and Arabs.

Taking a New, Sober Look at the Iranian Threat

 by Dr. Chaim Asa and Gen. (res.) Gershon HaCohen, translated by Hillel Fendel

The focus in Israeli society on the Iranian nuclear threat, as heard often and loudly in leaders' declarations and public discourse, seems to have reached a peak over the past two weeks. 

It is certainly true that the Iranian government is threatening the State of Israel. And it is definitely appropriate for the IDF to build a suitable, multi-capability force to deal with this unprecedented, complex Iranian challenge.

However, we would be well-advised to consider not only the potential threat itself, but also the place that this threat occupies in our national agenda, and its effect on the State of Israel's sense of identity. We should perhaps even go further and note the extent to which the trauma based on the immediate association of "nuclear Iran" with "destruction" has developed and taken dominant hold in Israeli society. Israeli leaders have hammered this into us, and recently, even ostensible security experts are singing the same tune. Why does no one stand up to them to suggest that perhaps their view of the situation is all wrong?

It would be a good idea to examine what it is about the Iranian nuclear threat that penetrates so deeply the psyche and culture of Jews in the State of Israel. Let this be an invitation to Israeli society to reflect on its unresolved tensions, rooted in the conscious and subconscious of the basis of its identity.

The War of Independence has been ingrained in the Israeli awareness as a war of existential necessity. The wars that followed did not receive the same consensus – and herein lies the tempting power of the Iranian nuclear threat, presented as inherently existential in order to rally the sought-after unity. The threat is also not based on any "fault" of ours, such as the "occupation," and therefore leaves Israel as the quintessential, blameless victim. We perceive this threat as one of annihilation, familiar to us from Auschwitz, and one that indiscriminately endangers every Israeli and therefore unites us.

Israel has not yet faced a situation of MAD (mutually assured destruction), one that comprises a built-in mutual deterrent to the use of nuclear power.  In a year or two, or maybe five, Israel and Iran might find themselves in such a relationship, or perhaps this is already the case. We must know that recent history has shown that MAD actually works! Ever since atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 78 years ago, no nuclear war has erupted, nor has any war broken out between two hostile nuclear states. 

But while the world has fundamentally changed in strategic terms, Israel remains the same. Israel is a superpower on the functional level – but not yet on the strategic level, even regionally. It must adopt a new way of thinking, not only militarily, but also politically. This transition has greater existential importance than even the Iranian threat itself.  

Another transition is also needed: Israeli experts continue to speak of the need for operational military actions to prevent Iran from obtaining military nuclear capabilities. The time has come for Israel to transition to a strategy of deterrence, rather than active prevention. Israel has the ability to create deterrence even vis-à-vis a nuclear Iran, and thus form a stable and permanent balance of power in the region. By constantly harping on the need to do away with the "existential threat," Israel's leaders are making a dangerous mistake – one that might deteriorate to a military clash that could both exact very heavy prices from Israel and also not prevent Iran from gaining nuclear capabilities. Our leaders will then roll their eyes heavenward and say, "It was a war of no-choice, of an existential danger."

But is that really true? The late great Rav Yosef Dov Soloveitchik wrote that historic Jewish identity was braided with both the Covenant of Destiny (brit yiud) and the Covenant of Fate (brit goral). Thus inspired, Jewish thinkers in the modern period, following the Holocaust  and the establishment of the State of Israel, sought to develop a Jewish identity on the basis of a common destiny and not just a common catastrophic fate. But this has not yet taken root in Israel, whose leaders over the years have chosen to concentrate on the uniting abilities of a common existential fear. Thus was born the political need for the threat and fear of a nuclear Iran.

A professional study of Iran's nuclear threat shows how non-absolute are its dangers. Even if the Iranians are able to reach their goal of building a bomb, they will have considerable reasons why they should not actually use it. And even if, Heaven forbid, they do fire it at Israel, this will not mean the end of Israel. Countries do not disappear or collapse after one strike, even if it is nuclear. Nations have gone through terrible times and yet continue to exist; witness Syria of recent years. And even if we were to be attacked, we have room to hope that our situation will not deteriorate to that of Syria. [Translator's note: Quite minimal consolation...] We can even expect that we will not only not collapse, but will emerge victorious from the resulting war with Iran.

Israel's leaders must make every effort to ensure that the Iranian threats do not materialize, and to develop capabilities for the necessary response. But it is also in our best interest to reduce our existential fears – which depend largely on the story we tell ourselves regarding the reasons why we rebuilt our nationhood here in the Land of our Forefathers.

From its very inception, the story of modern Zionism has wavered between two ultimate goals: on the one hand, the ancient objective of Israel's Redemption, and on the other, the minimalist goal of providing a safe haven for the persecuted Jewish People, as the First Zionist Congress formulated it in 1897. Over two decades ago, Gen. Benny Peled well expressed his desire to see the second goal simply evaporate: "If I were able, I would love to see the 'safe haven' goal be erased from our lexicon and from our consciousness… I would like this definition restricting a Jewish entity in recognized borders secured by external providers of funding and shelter to be deleted. I would like in its stead to see a definition that echoes the idea of the State of the Jews as formulated by Herzl, namely, 'a country of Jews in the Land of Israel, founded by Jews who grew tired of Exile and of second-class status and who are willing to give their lives for it.'"

For those who strive for nothing more than a safe haven, the Iranian threat must certainly be quite frustrating. If after all our efforts of the past century, Zionism has succeeded only in replacing the existential threats of Kishinev-style pogroms and persecution with a different type of existential threat in the form of Iranian nuclear bombs, there is no choice but to ask: "Have not the Jews in Brooklyn found a more effective solution?" The answer of course is negative, but only if we understand the true nature and purpose of the State of Israel. 

This is precisely where we must conduct the essential discussion regarding the security of the State of Israel, and not solely on the basis of risk and threat calculations. It must take a penetrating look at our founding objective and vision, as Ben-Gurion made sure to emphasize: "It is not security that is our main goal, but rather the redemption of Israel, the ingathering of exiles, and our national rising-up."

As Israelis have drifted away from awareness of our objective of Redemption, the Iranian threat has become a way for Israeli society and leadership to ignore the real challenges of our national awakening. Despite Iran's persistence in pursuing a nuclear bomb, we need to reassess whether this threat must be placed at the top of Israel's national agenda. Over the years, this placement has detracted from our efforts on other fronts, including domestically. We have all but lost our sovereignty in parts of the Negev and Galilee, which is a long-term threat on the State of Israel no less than the Iranian threat.

By focusing its political efforts on the Iranian threat, our government has enabled the U.S. to condition, even if not overtly, its support for our Iran-related demands upon our fulfilling its own demands relating to Judea/Samaria and the Palestinian Authority. This dependency has led, inter alia, to the ongoing reticence of Israeli governments to build in key areas in Jerusalem, such as Atarot.

While we have been so busy with the Iranian perils, new threats have sprouted up around us. Most dangerously, their potential to endanger us is much greater than the Iranian menace. It is time to reassess our all-encompassing concern for what Iran might have and do.

Jewish Settlement in the Galilee: A First-Degree National Necessity

 by Orit Strook, translated by Hillel Fendel

Our government has much to learn from the mission on which Moses sent the Spies, over 3,300 years ago, to scout out the Land.  He told them, among other things, to check if the inhabitants were "strong or weak, many or few," and whether "their cities are open or fortified." 

The classic commentator Rashi explains that Moses was indicating to them that if the cities were not closed in, this was a sign of their strength and confidence, but that if they fortified and closed themselves off behind walls, this meant they were weak, living with a constant sense of danger and fear. The scouts, the leaders of the Israeli tribes, were instructed to pay attention to this phenomenon when coming to evaluate the security situation in the Land of Israel. 

Today, the Jewish villages in the heart of the Galilee dwell in "fortified cities." And we [in the government], who have been sent to act as today's "leaders of the tribes," must take note of this difficult situation, and under no circumstances ignore or overlook it. We must act in accordance with this grave state of affairs, and advance every necessary measure to bring about a major change.

A recent report states: "The existing situation in the heart of the Galilee is that many Jewish villages, main traffic routes, and the roads leading to the towns themselves, are surrounded by dense Arab population centers… In order to provide the necessary security to the residents of the Galilee, and to allow freedom of movement in the area, a significant strengthening of rural [Jewish] settlement is necessary, as well as a change in the demographic balance."

This analysis, which appears in a booklet entitled, "Security and Governance in Israel, Beginning with the Galilee and the Negev," is signed on by tens of security personnel from all sides of the political spectrum. 

A recent gathering was held of the "Forum for Security, Governance, and Settlement" – sponsor of the above document – featuring former top figures in Israel's various security and defense bodies. Among them were former Police Commissioner Shlomo Aharonishki, retired IDF Generals Eyal Ben-Reuven, Moti Almoz, Amos Gilad, Amos Yadlin, and very many others. The above analysis was produced.

Also signed on the analysis are nearly every municipal leader in northern and southern Israel, as well as a long line of public figures, most of whom are far from being identified with the "right," including: Kibbutz Movement Secretary-General Nir Meir, former Justice Department Director-General Ami Palmor, Ben Gurion University President Prof. Daniel Chaimovitz – and the list goes on and on. 

They all stand behind the following statement: "A national program to encourage the settlement of an Israeli population [Ed. note: the lack of the word "Jewish" is glaring!] in the Galilee and Negev areas is a national and existential necessity of the first degree (emphasis added)." 

Also written there: "The program should include the thickening and establishment of new communities based on acceptance committees, incentives to those who served in the security forces or did civil service, encouragement for the relocation of business centers…" Of course, the paper also emphasizes that which should be self-evident but will certainly be the hardest element to implement: "The government's clerical framework and statutory authorities must be subordinated to the directives of the political level, and a clear government policy must be outlined to strengthen the outlying areas of the Israeli populace." 

All of this we started doing over the last few weeks, with a series of government decisions and laws that are currently making their way through the Knesset.

This past week, I was privileged to speak, at the Knesset podium, about an important bill submitted by MK Yitzchak Kroizer [of the Otzmah Yehudit (Jewish Strength) party]. The bill will enable Jewish communities in the Galilee and Negev to grow and expand to include 1,000 households, instead of the current legal maximum of only 400. 

This bill is already at a very advanced stage in the legislative process: under preparation for its final readings in the Knesset. It passed its first readings in the previous Knesset [before MK Kroizer became a Knesset Member], but he requested to co-sponsor the bill. I of course congratulated him for this, as it is always praiseworthy to join a mitzvah endeavor, and especially the mitzvah of settling the Land of Israel.  

I explained to the Knesset why it is so important to increase the number of families in this manner. First of all, most of the communities have already hit the 400 mark and can grow no further. The problem is that many of the original residents moved there in the 1980's or thereabouts, and are growing older – as are the communities themselves. Nurseries and kindergartens are closing up by the dozens. Many of the residents have retired, and soon we will no longer be able to speak of the number of batei av (households) there, but rather of the number of batei avot (assisted living centers). What this means is that younger families must be allowed and encouraged to join, while still retaining the critical need to ensure that the new members correspond to the character of the community. 

Of course, voices were heard in the Parliament calling this amendment "racist." To them, I responded very simply: "Zionism is not racism." Strengthening Jewish settlement is not racism, but rather a supreme national value of the State of Israel. It is our country's obligation to enable the communities to continue to grow, and to ensure that they do not wither away. This is a basic ethical obligation of a State towards its villages and towns, and this is also its Zionist obligation.

And in fact, this new amendment enjoys the support of a large majority in the Knesset, and not just from the coalition, but also from significant parts of the opposition. 

Were the State of Israel to abandon the Jewish settlement enterprise in the Galilee and Negev, it would be a breach of its most basic obligation and function, as well as of its right to exist. 

Not to support the Jewish settlement enterprises would be not only immoral from a personal standpoint vis-à-vis the residents there, which the State itself sent there to help develop our country. It would also be a betrayal of its task as the national State of the entire Jewish People. Promoting and bolstering Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel is a supreme Zionist value. 

The present government is determined to act in accordance with these values, and I am happy to see that many in the opposition are also not turning their backs on them; on the contrary, they are supporting it with their words, deeds, and even votes. 

This week, with G-d's help, we will move ahead with this important legislation in the Knesset Committee for National Initiatives headed by MK Ohad Tal (Religious Zionism). Working together and inspired by these Zionist values, we will accomplish and succeed.

Time to Take the Temple Rebuilding Prayers Seriously

  by Doron Nir Tzvi, translated by Hillel Fendel

The People of Israel are thick in the midst of the process of Redemption. What is the next step?

Jewish history over the past 150 years has absolutely no parallel in the annals of any other people on the face of the earth. No other nation has ever merited a redemption and renewal like we have. No other people has ever returned to its homeland after an exile of 1,800 years like we have. 

Following the beginning of the glorious and still ongoing Ingathering of the Exiles, the resurgence from the ashes of the Holocaust, the establishment of the State of Israel, the victories over the Arab armies, the liberation of parts of our homeland both west and east of the Jordan River, the settling of the Land in place of foreigners – the time has come to rise up one more level, and "prepare the hearts" for the construction of the Beit HaMikdash, the Holy Temple. 

The Beit HaMikdash will advance us, with G-d's help, yet another step towards the dwelling once again of the Shechinah, the Divine Presence, in our midst. As the Torah states regarding the Tabernacle in the desert, which was the precursor to the Holy Temple: "They shall build me a Sanctuary, and I will dwell amongst them."

The Holy Temple is a foundational pillar of Judaism, and its location is the holiest place in Judaism. The destructions of both the First Temple and the Second Temple, respectively, marked the beginning of the end of Israel's independence and of national Jewish settlement and presence in the Land. But in addition, we must remember that the absence of the Beit HaMikdash renders irrelevant dozens of Torah commandments. These include the mitzvot of sacrifices, the special Yom Kippur service, certain tithes, and many more. 

Back in 1966, Naomi Shemer, one of Israel's most popular songwriters (Jerusalem of Gold, for instance) and who grew up in the secular Kibbutz Kineret, wrote what became a very well-known song expressing the desire to build the Holy Temple: 

If you hewed stone from the mountain for a new building /

Not for naught did you hew the stone, my brother /

For from these stones, the Temple will be built…

The last words – a declaration, a hope, or possibly a prayer – became a popular refrain among all strata of Israeli society: Yibaneh haMikdash, yibaneh haMikdash.

Since then, however, the general-secular public's ambition to build the Holy Temple has seen a significant regression, and is in fact practically non-existent at the current time. On the other hand, the numbers of people who wish to promote everything having to do with the Beit HaMikdash are growing, as are those who physically ascend "in purity" to visit the holy site atop the Temple Mount. ("In purity" means after having immersed in a ritual bath before ascending, in accordance with Biblical law.) Increasing numbers of yeshiva students and others are engaged in both the spiritual and physical aspects of the rebuilding of the Temple. Leading the charge, for nearly four decades now, is the Temple Institute in Jerusalem, headed by Rabbi Yisrael Ariel. The Institute has already prepared some of the holy utensils and Priestly garments that can be used, in their current form, in the actual Temple service.

However, we are well aware from previous campaigns, on "simpler" issues, that if we want to succeed, public opinion must be better prepared for the Mikdash than it currently is. We cannot deny that the current construction status of the Temple does not particularly concern most of Israel's right-wing leaders. 

Nor can we overlook the fact that the hareidi leadership prefers to shunt the matter aside. The latter apparently assumes that at the right time, the Temple will descend in fire from the Heavens – even though when it comes to building their own homes, they actively and eagerly take the necessary action to accomplish this... The hareidi leadership has apparently not learned the lesson of the early days of modern Zionism, when they chose not to encourage mass Aliyah, preferring instead to believe that the Talmud's Three Oaths - not to rebel against the gentiles and the like - were still in effect. [One of the oaths required the gentiles not to subjugate the Jews too strongly, and the Sages ruled that since this oath was not fulfilled, the entire package of oaths became nullified. See also below.] 

After the Balfour Declaration of 1917, when the gates of the Land of Israel were opened wide to all Jews, future Israeli president and then-Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann cried out, "Nation of Israel, where are you?" But the religious leadership did not arouse myriads of Jews to make Aliyah to the Holy Land, and the chance to provide a religious majority to the Jewish presence in the Land was lost until this very day. Only individual rabbis – though more than is often thought – made public calls for religious Aliyah. 

Rabbi Meir Simcha of Dvinsk, for instance, who was known as the Ohr Same'ach, wrote that the oath referring to a "rebellion" against the gentiles was no longer applicable – given the 1921 San Remo Conference resolution in favor of the Balfour Declaration's recognition of the Holy Land as the site of a Jewish national home. 

However, the call of Rav Meir Simcha, as well as of others, was too little and too late, as written up sadly in the scholarly Torah work Eim HaBanim Smeicha by one of the leading rabbis in Hungary, Holocaust victim Rabbi Yisachar Teichtal. 

Today's nationalist camp also lacks courageous leadership that will enunciate the vision of building the Holy Temple on the Temple Mount without fear of the Gentiles. We are similarly in need of leadership that will champion the fact that our historic homeland stretches from the Nile to the Euphrates; neither of these causes are particularly politically correct. This, despite the call by nationalist leaders of previous generations: "The Jordan River has two banks – this one is ours, and so is the other;" today they seem to suffice with the two banks of the Yarkon River…

But every marathon begins with one stride, and every flood begins with the first raindrop. And so too, we must take initial steps and distinctly declare our vision for the establishment of the Holy Temple on the Temple Mount. The nations will condemn and the Arabs will yelp – but the truth must be stated strongly and clearly.

It must be the vanguard of the nation - the religious-nationalist public and its leaders - that will issue this call with confidence, strength, and persistence. The message will then trickle slowly down to the rest of the public, as occurred with the magnificent settlement enterprise in Judea and Samaria.

Incidentally, tens of millions of Evangelicals in the United States and around the world will support such a declaration and its sacred objective. This is because even according to their beliefs, the construction of the Mikdash is part of the Redemptive process. In addition, the Prophets foresee that the Holy Temple "will be called a house of prayer for all the nations." Perhaps too this will be a realization of the prophetic call that "the nations will say that G-d has done great things with [the Jews]" (Psalms 126), followed immediately by the words of the House of Israel, "G-d has done great things with us." 

It should be remembered that in the past, great kings and leaders supported the construction of the Mikdash, such as King Cyrus of Persia, who allowed the reconstruction of the Second Temple. There was also Emperor Julian, known by the Christians as Julian the Apostate, who initiated the building of what would have been the Third Temple in the year 362; the project did not succeed. 

It is very possible that 18 months from now, a Republican-Evangelical administration will be voted into office in the United States. And just like a recent similar government in Washington moved its embassy to Jerusalem, recognized the Jewish presence in its homeland of Judea and Samaria as legal, and declared that the Golan is an intrinsic part of the State of Israel – so too we can anticipate that the new government will declare that the Temple Mount is the holiest location in the Jewish world and that it is the Jews' right to rebuild the Holy Temple there. 

It is incumbent upon us to prepare for this, to be people of vision, faith, and action – possibly regarding the Beit HaMikdash even more than in others. And in honor of this undertaking and the just-passed Jerusalem Day holiday, let us pray: "May the Temple be rebuilt and the city of Zion be filled, and there we will sing a new song and ascend in joy."