Seek Peace for the Border Town of Shlomit

by Yossi Achimeir, Israeli journalist, former politician, and director-general of the Jabotinsky Institute.

What is the significance of the military maneuvers in the Sinai Peninsula, seemingly in violation of the Israel-Egypt peace agreement? And what explains the growing hostility toward Israel in the Egyptian media?

We left Egypt, celebrated our formation as a nation during 40 years of wandering in the Sinai, and recounted the ten plagues that God inflicted upon our oppressive taskmasters. Yet, Egypt does not seem to leave us.

While we focus on Iran, Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, and, of course, internal disputes that consume much of our energy, we pay less attention to the war drums echoing from Cairo.

What is the meaning behind the military exercises in the Sinai Peninsula, apparently contrary to the peace agreement? And what explains the increasing hostility toward Israel in the Egyptian media?

Recently, I visited a settlement that is almost unknown to the public—not by name, Shlomit, nor by its very existence. Shlomit means "peace." It is one of three religious community settlements established after the evacuation of Yamit, in the Peace Bloc. One must be a true pioneer, a devoted Zionist, a believer in peace, to build a home and family in such a "remote" settlement, close to the Egyptian border.

The settlement, located south of the Gaza envelope, was spared from the October 7 attack. Shlomit is experiencing a construction boom. The demand to live there is rising. Quality of life, tranquility, a relaxed atmosphere, and tradition are likely the reasons. But as I concluded my brief visit to this beautiful place, I couldn't help but think about its border location, about a kilometer from the international peace border, behind which war schemes are currently brewing.

Egypt and Qatar are competing with each other over the management—so-called—of negotiations for the release of the hostages. Wealthy Qatar is a declared enemy state, funding Hamas and extending its influence throughout the Middle East and the world, even reaching the Prime Minister's Office in Jerusalem.

In the official daily 'Al-Sharq' and other Qatari media outlets, antisemitic articles are published, praising Hamas's October 7 attack and portraying Jews as "enemies of Allah, schemers, traitors, murderers of prophets, and bloodsuckers." Editor Jaber Al-Harami wrote: "We are confident that Judgment Day will not come until we fight the Jews and kill them. Among us, there is no despair or loss of hope, despite all the pain, wounds, and blood."

Poor Egypt, still a peace state, depends on generous financial grants from Qatar. Antisemitism is even more rampant there. The daily 'Al-Youm Al-Sabea' recently published a harsh anti-Israel article stating that "Israel is the number one enemy of the Arabs, seeking to kill them to expand its territory."

According to the article, Israel is "an occupying entity that commits massacres against Palestinians in Gaza, tries to conquer parts of Syria and Lebanon, and imposes a new reality in the region. Additionally, it aims to empty the Gaza Strip of its Palestinian residents under the pretext of eliminating Hamas."

This article is just a sample of the harsh anti-Israel tone flooding the Egyptian media. Many articles accuse Israel of provoking Egypt by violating the peace agreement and committing crimes against Palestinians in collaboration with the U.S. They vehemently reject Israel's claims that Egypt is violating the peace agreement by reinforcing its military presence in Sinai. "Egypt has the right to defend its borders," they assert.

This propaganda method is typical of Egypt, which, as one Israeli Middle East expert put it, is not a state with an army but an army with a state. Not only is it concentrating military forces east of the Suez Canal, not far from Israel's border, but it justifies this with the absurd need to "defend its borders."

Who believes this? Who threatens it from the east? Who is interested in breaking the peace agreement, for which Israel gave up the vast territory of Sinai? Egypt has another excuse: the fear—according to reports—of a "plan to expel Gaza Strip residents to Sinai, which exposes Egypt's national security to real danger."

Does the concentration of forces in Sinai, accompanied by a wave of anti-Israel articles, indicate Egypt's intention to violate the peace agreement and create another war front against Israel? Is there a looming threat to the peace of the pioneering settlement of Shlomit? Time will tell. And we must acknowledge, painfully: salvation for our 59 hostages is unlikely to come from these two hostile mediators, Qatar and Egypt.

The 76-Year-War

by Yossi Achimeir, journalist and former politician, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The trauma of Oct. 7^th is not over, the war continues – and Israel lives on.

It's now been nearly 15 months that Israel has been living in the shadow of the trauma of Oct. 7^th. The horrendous calamity that fell with a frightful thud that morning of Simchat Torah has swollen into a multi-front war, unprecedented since our War of Independence. The matches lit on the Gaza envelope have set raging fires in the northern border and Judea and Samaria as well, ignited by the pyromaniacs sitting in Tehran.

The flames, of course, have not yet gone out. Even though two of our greatest enemies – Hamas in the south and Hizbullah in the north - have been soundly defeated, the Ayatollahs in Iran have not given up their dream to destroy the Jewish State, and are actively employing their third proxy - the Houthis in Yemen – to this end.

Just like the Yom Kippur War 51 years ago, the current war also took Israel by surprise – and both were grave blunders that endangered our very existence. Both of them might have been avoided were it not for complacency on our side.

But our national will was strong. Though we abruptly found ourselves nearly overwhelmed both times, the IDF was able not only to recover, but also to repel the enemies, strike them cripplingly in their own territories, and thwart their plans. However, both times we paid a very steep price in the blood of our soldiers and citizens.

The main difference between the two is that the Yom Kippur War lasted three weeks, while the current war has not yet reached its absolute conclusion. Most Israelis continue to live the good life, while its best sons, in the standing army and in the reserves, continue to meet the challenges both north and south, far from their families and jobs. The Israel Air Force has successfully sent its long arms thousands of kilometers away, both to Iran and to Yemen – and with all this, the work is far from completed.

We sometimes believe that we will finally be able to breathe easily as soon as we totally obliterate Iran's nuclear and other military capabilities. Is this true?

Though we are the only country in the world under constant threat from all directions, Israel has a strong military capacity that seems to reveal itself most impressively when we are under attack – and often, after terrible internal fiascos that seem to have invited the enemy upon us. In the current case, the enemy appears to have identified the weaknesses eating away at us from within, issues that bring us too close for comfort to civil war. And yet, over the past year, we were able to climb up from the depths of defeat almost to the pinnacle of victory and national pride. The Middle East geopolitical map has been turned upside down, with the long-time attackers and war-mongerers having brought upon themselves death, destruction and suffering that will require many years of recovery.

But really this war is simply the last in a chain of hostilities that have been forced upon Israel throughout its 76 years. Basically, it's been one long, 76-year war. It would be a mistake to think that Oct. 7^th is behind us, and that we have well learned the lessons it presented us. Just consider last week's terrorist murder of Holocaust survivor Ludmila Lipovsky, 83 years old, on Holocaust Martyrs St. in Herzliya. That was her own private Oct. 7^th – parallel to the national Oct. 7^th that cruelly snuffed out the lives of 1200 Israelis in their homes and at an outdoors festival.

We must internalize that the extremist Muslims' uncontrolled hatred for us, wherever they are, is far from extinguished. They will continue to seek to murder and maim us – Israelis and other Jews alike. Even when our security forces manage, without fanfare or recognition, to thwart hundreds of attacks a year, there could still be one lone attack that could pass under the radar and bring death and tragedy upon us. We are at perpetual war with fanatic, implacable enemies who, as it looks now, will never accept our existence.

Dangers also face us from the "quiet" Jordanian border. The Hashemite Kingdom, with which we have a peace agreement, is facing the threat of destabilization by Iranian elements. We also have a treaty with Egypt, which for some reason has begun arming itself to the teeth. And even in crumbling Syria, the dreaded Assad regime is in the process of being replaced by an unknown quantity – i.e., not only the rebels, but partially also Erdogan's threatening Turkish forces.

What we can do is the following: We must not ever give our enemies reason to believe that we are crumbling from within, busy with our own disputes and arguments while ignoring the threats from without. And 15 months after Oct. 7^th, the IDF needs a new leadership, ready to spring like a lion, aware and ready for all scenarios

I read recently of a small, little-known country named the Kingdom of Bhutan. It is barely 1.5 times the size of Israel, with less than 1/12 of our population. Despite its precarious location between superpowers China in the north and India in the south, this "Land of Happiness," as it is known, manages to live in peace and serenity, away from major headlines. Israel is far from being Bhutan or Switzerland, but it is still the "Jewish Kingdom of Happiness" – even if in the coming years we will continue having to live on our sword.

The Dangers of the Narrow Waistline in Israel

Adapted from an article by journalist and former Likud MK Yossi Achimeir translated by Hillel Fendel.

Not many people remember that until 57 years ago, before 1967, Israel did not rule over Judea and Samaria. And yet, even so, no Palestinian state existed in these areas, nor was there a demand for one.

Actually, of course, an independent Palestinian state never existed in history, in Judea and Samaria or anywhere else. The areas west of the Jordan River were long known as the West Bank of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, and no one ever demanded that they be "liberated," or become home to an independent country.

King Hussein, the monarch of Jordan from 1953 until his death in 1999, was a ruler who did not tolerate insurgency. Any hint of a possible rebellion against the Hashemite Kingdom was immediately put down with an iron fist by the Jordanian Legion. Mercy played no role.

When the Six Day War broke out, King Hussein made the mistake of his life by joining up with the armies of Egypt and Syria against Israel – leading to his loss of Judea, Samaria, and of course, eastern Jerusalem and environs.

What happened was that the Legion fired mortar shells from the area of Kalkilye towards Tel Aviv; nearby Kibbutz Bahan, east of Netanya, was heavily bombarded in the process. Israel did not hesitate, and not only repelled the attacks, but conquered the entire area.

Why was the response so sharp and immediate? Because the Jordanian attack represented a major threat to divide the Jewish State into two parts, north and south. Only about 15 kilometers separate Netanya from the former Green Line that marked the border between Israel and Jordan. By repelling the Jordanian offensive, Israel ended up the war in control not only of Sinai, Gaza, and the Golan Heights, but also of all of Judea and Samaria (Yesha). By removing the threat from Jordan, this became the greatest of Israel's victories over her enemies.

We're now 57 years later, and reminders of the acute dangers we faced at the beginning of the Six Day War are again on our radar screen. The reminders come in the form of growing threats, but also in a more passive form: the sign at a new monument in memory of Captain Assaf Master of Kibbutz Bahan. Master was killed at the beginning of the current war while battling Palestinian terrorists in northern Gaza.

The Council for the Preservation of Cultural Sites in Israel erected a sign outside the Assaf Lookout, erected near Bahan in the fallen soldier's memory. The sign announces simply: "The Narrow Waistline of the State of Israel." It explains that the very fact of the narrow waistline was a grave danger for Israel before 1967, in that an enemy force could arrive from the east, quickly cut across to the sea, and slice the country in half. 

There is no better place for such a sign than the Assaf Lookout. For from here can be seen, on the east, the fence (with its many holes, through which Palestinians sneak into Israel) between Israel and the Shomron, while on the west, spread out as if on the palm of the observer's hand, is seen the Coastal Plane of Israel all the way to the Mediterranean Sea. 

Visitors to the site in the evening hours are treated to one of the most beautiful sunsets in all of Israel. But the beauty can be dangerously lulling. For we know that it is precisely from here, and other areas along the former Green Line, that our enemies might very well seek to infiltrate and cut our state into two. 

The narrow waistline of the sign refers to the very narrow area between the sea and the Arab-populated areas of the western Shomron. It appears that this narrowness presents a perpetual enticement for the many terrorist elements in the Shomron. 

The dimensions of the "narrow waistline" were determined by the Armistice Agreement of 1949, based on the areas the IDF had managed to reach during the War of independence of 1948-49. Iraqi forces, arriving from Jordan, had reached an Arab village named Kakon, just aside Gan Yoshiya, only two kilometers west of Bahan as the crow flies. The IDF's Alexandroni Brigade repelled the Iraqis.

Today, as well, we continue to fight off our enemies in these areas – and the dozens of Jewish communities there help bolster our security. These are similar to what in Yesha are called "settlements," but which, as even President Yitzchak Herzog said last week, are very valuable for Israeli security in general. 

Kibbutz Bahan is beautiful, vibrant, and a great place to live. Has the pre-1967 threat to it been removed? 

It does not appear so. Bahan, Bat Hefer, and the other Israeli villages in the area hear signals every evening of the military preparations being made by the terrorist organizations, whether they be shooting practice or even the sound of drilling underground tunnels. 

The nearby Arab city of Tul Karem has become a Hamas stronghold. As these words are being written, the IDF is engaged in anti-terrorist activity in the area, having encircled neighboring Tur a-Shams and eliminating five terrorists, and at least ten more in other areas nearby. But this is not expected to stop the incessant flow of infiltrations from east to west, including not only thieves, but also would-be murderers and suicide terrorists. Our forces have sent katbamim (unmanned drones) to strike down terrorists, and are taking the offensive to destroy terrorist infrastructures. 

But the danger of a Palestinian state in these areas is still quite acute. The international pressure for its establishment – and thus a re-creation of the dangers we faced before 1967 – is very strong, and we must not cave in.

Those abroad, and even here at home, who believe that peace will come only when a Palestinian state is established as a final end to the "occupation," please understand: We have learned our lesson from the Disengagement from Gush Katif (Gaza) in 2005, which led directly to the catastrophe of Oct. 7th. We realize with utmost clarity that abandoning Judea and Samaria to Palestinian rule means Hamas on Jerusalem's doorstep, and terrorists striding not only Bahan and Bat Hefer, but also Kfar Saba and even Afula. 

And to those who thought our war today is "limited" to Gaza, Hizbullah, Yemen, and Iran/Syria, the response is no: The closest front of all is right here in Judea and Samaria, where potentially lethal rock-attacks are also on the sharp rise and have become a daily occurrence.

And so, let it be clear: Israel will never again agree to revert to its "narrow waistline."

The Iranian Roof Over Hizbullah

by Yossi Achimeir, Director-General of the Jabotinsky Institute in Israel, and former Director of Prime Minister [Yitzchak Shamir]'s Office, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The beginning of a boxing match is often characterized by the two competitors dancing around each other as they check each other out, sending trial punches one towards the other, approaching and withdrawing – preparing for the violent clash that will inevitably come. This is what today's skirmishes on the Lebanon border look like (for now).

Hizbullah occasionally launches rockets and unmanned aircraft into our territory, the IDF responds with air strikes and with targeted liquidations, and back and forth along these lines – but a full-scale conflict has not yet erupted.

The situation is heating up. The decision whether to initiate a real war has not yet been made in our security network. There is much talk about it. Threats and warnings are abundant, as if saying, "Hold me back, or else I'll let loose with full force."

And if and when the triggers are finally released, it will not be just a war between Israel and the terrorists. It will be a hard, full-scale war, in which primarily the home-front – Israeli civilians from Gedera to Hadera – will endure severe missile strikes. The cost is liable to be very high in casualties and ruins. Nevertheless, Israel's patience has apparently worn thin, and we can no longer endure the frequent attacks and the estimated 150,000 Hizbullah missiles waiting to be fired – and we will therefore have no choice but to move from threats and sporadic attacks to full-scale warfare. This will be the Third Lebanon War.

What will Iran do if Israel engages in full-scale war? An expert on Iranian affairs responded: "If someone builds four walls, won't they put a roof over them?" After all, Iran has built a comprehensive multi-front system for the purpose of causing Israel to bleed on all its borders. Now that the Hamas has exhausted itself, the spearhead has become Hizbullah.

When Iran attacked Israel on April 14th with hundreds of missiles, the onslaught itself failed, causing very little damage. But for the Iranians themselves, this was a significant achievement, "proving" to themselves that they need not be afraid of Israel.

That is, as the expert explained, Iran is no longer wary of a direct clash with Israel, having seen that they can attack Israel head-on and not suffer too greatly.

In the meantime, in Gaza, "the hands are those of Hamas, but the voice is that of Iran" – and the same is true regarding Hizbullah on Israel's northern border.

The Iranian threat is a real one. Iran not only wants to destroy Israel simply because it exists, but also strives to be the dominant power in the region, and Israel is what's stopping it. The question is: How long will Iran's "proxies" war last, with the participation of Hamas, Hizbullah, the Houthis, the Shiites in Iraq, and more, without Iran having to pay any of the price?

I heard another expert explain that although Iran dictates to Hamas, it is really Putin's Russia dictating to Iran. "The Russian-Iranian axis means that we are already in the midst of a world war," he said. "Russia wants to create a new global order." Russia has escalated its anti-Semitic rhetoric, but in order to retain its position of influence, it is willing to speak with Israel as well – but it will back Iran in any eventuality.

Of course, standing opposite Russia is the United States, who alone can deal with the Iranians, but appears to be suffering from a lack of motivation. Will they act to prevent Iran, which has already reached the 60% uranium enrichment level, from attaining military nuclear capabilities? This is the ultimate question of questions. What I am being told is that if war breaks out in the north, whether it is started by Israel or by Hizbullah, the U.S. will not sit by with its hands folded as its ally Israel is attacked. It will rather "surprise Iran," my source says.

The coming days are critical for Israel, which is liable to find itself embroiled in a "war of no-choice" exacting heavy prices throughout the country. During this world war, we will be in the epicenter. We will have to take our fate into our own hands – but to do so, we must all of us, from every sector, face up to the dangers facing us from every corner and end our internal wars.

These wars, which have something to do with democracy, signal to our enemies – who have no inkling in democracy – that we are weak from within. They therefore see this as a great opportunity to attain their end-all goal of destroying us. As Iran sees us, we are weaker, more vulnerable, more torn from within, and unable to take real action neither against southern Lebanon nor against Iran itself.

It is clear to all of us that the days ahead will not be simple. They are likely to be quite fateful, even to the point of placing the fate of the country at stake. In order to successfully negotiate them, several conditions are required - beyond the appropriate military response that will indeed be given, both near and far.

For starters, the government must concentrate primarily on what is truly important, and not deal with anything having to do with coalition politics or other matters that are simply not important for right now. The various commentators we hear every day and night, mainly all sorts of former generals, must stop their irresponsible depictions of Israel as unable to fight two fronts simultaneously, or even three, as we are doing right now.

Similarly, all the various protestors, with all their criticism and outbursts of wrath, must take a long time-out, until the danger to the country has passed – which will not happen in the next year or two.

In general, the fact is that the current danger to the security of the State of Israel has been an intrinsic part of our lives ever since Simchat Torah (Oct. 7th), and will continue to be so for a long while. And if everyone – the politicians, parts of the media, the Messianists [referring to those who still believe in a Palestinian state and peace with those who wish to destroy us? – HF], and the indefatigable protestors – does not wake up to what is happening, the responsibility for the weakening of Israel and an unprecedented war of existence upon us will be on them. 

From Hebron to Be'eri: The Last Morph?

by Yossi Achimeir, former senior advisor to Prime Minister Yitzchak Shamir and Director of the Jabotinsky Institute, translated by Hillel Fendel. 

The day before Shmini Atzeret, October 6th one month ago, was the last day of the "previous" version of the State of Israel. The headlines of that day dealt with the infighting regarding how to celebrate Simchat Torah in public – with or without partitions, or whether to do so at all. And the next thing we knew, instead of dancing joyfully with the Torah, we found ourselves in the worst of calamities.

Our days are now spent seeking to wipe out Hamas-ISIS and counting our dead. A new and wretched chapter has begun in our country's history, featuring a very difficult war, as well as quiet anxiety regarding the major domestic changes that are sure to follow.

The ongoing war in Gaza made some major changes to our expected calendar of events for October, which by all accounts was to feature more anti-government protest demonstrations, stronger societal fissures, ever-increasing internal Arab violence, and even the opening of the new Philharmonic season. But two other important dates were also all but deleted from the public consciousness: the memorial days for Lt .-Gen. (res.) and Prime Minister Yitzchak Rabin, who was murdered on Nov. 4, 1995, and that of Maj.-Gen. (res.) and Tourism Minister Rehavam (Gandi) Ze'evi, who was murdered by Palestinian terrorists on Oct. 17, 2001. 

Who this month had time or energy to commune with the memory of these two, when so many hundreds of Israelis were just murdered on one terrible day? After hundreds were abducted to Gaza, after entire communities were reduced to ruins, and more than 350 IDF soldiers fell at once?

But let us focus momentarily on Ze'evi and his legacy for our times. He was murdered in his hotel room, before the eyes of his wife Yael, as he was preparing for a morning media interview. He was a great warrior, a son of the Land, quite familiar with the extremist Arab elements and their deep murderous hatred and dreams of driving the Jews out of the Holy Land. Gandi, as he was known, paid with his life at the hands of three terrorists who specifically sought him out because of his promotion of the idea of "voluntary transfer." His conception of the solution of the bloody ongoing conflict between the Jewish Nation and the Arabs living here was the relocation of the latter to the east, past the Jordan River. He understood that only total separation would do the job. 

He was spared from seeing how the idea of transfer was actually forced upon a different population – the Jews of Gush Katif, by his colleague Ariel Sharon in 2005. And both of them were spared from seeing the disastrous consequences of this expulsion 18 years later that turned our lives upside down and brought upon us our greatest catastrophic blow since the Holocaust.

Gandi was a man of books. No one was a greater lover of the homeland than him, as attested by his rich home library of books on everything about the Land of Israel. Whenever he had time off from his political work, he translated into Hebrew and edited the travel diaries of 19th-century European voyagers to the Land. These, of course, spoke of a desolate, primal, largely empty land, dotted with Arab villages, and a few Jewish residents(translators note: In 1844, Jews comprised the largest population group in Jerusalem, and by 1896 had an absolute majority), and many Biblical place names. 

Seven years before his murder, Ze'evi published a treatise on the Hebron massacre of 1929, in which 67 Jews were cruelly butchered by their Arab neighbors. The survivors of the travesty were then relocated out of the city, ending the Jewish presence in the City of the Patriarchs, until it was once again renewed following the Six-Day War.

That slaughter, too, like the one a month ago, took place on a Sabbath. Ze'evi wrote in his introduction: "The Arabs of Hebron beat, stabbed, cut off limbs, pierced stomachs, raped women, murdered and slaughtered every Jew they could find – children, women, men, the elderly. The Arabs burnt the ancient synagogues, destroyed the Hadassah medical clinic, and looted the homes of the Jews… The holy city of Hebron became a city of killing. Pogroms, slaughter and massacres had been a part of Jewish history throughout our history, but here they were being repeated in all their horror in the Holy Land as well." 

This was a book designed to shock. Its photos spared barely any of the sickening details: a baby with its skull split open, a hand with its fingers chopped off, a severed arm, many corpses, burnt Torah scrolls – and even a photo of 13-month-old Shloimeleh Slonim whose parents had been murdered. The look in his frightened eyes tells the whole story – though he, Shlomo, survived and lived to reach the age of 86.

Some 65 years after the Hebron massacre, in the 46th year of the State of Israel, Gandi wished to present, as he put it, a "monument to the memory of those who were slaughtered, and a reminder to the living. The murderous riots of 1929 in Hebron and elsewhere in the Holy Land teach us that we cannot deposit our security in the hands of foreign elements. They further teach that the Arabs will take advantage of every opportunity to cut us off from our homeland and from the Land of Life – and will then even deny our accounts and will call them 'Jewish lies and propaganda.'" 

Just like the Kishinev pogrom of 1903, the Hebron massacre of 1929 has been imprinted strongly upon our national consciousness. Both were the result of unbridled anti-Semitic hatred and chiefly of Jewish helplessness. Rehavam Ze'evi presented us with a warning sign – in his military career, in his political activity, in his Knesset speeches that angered many, and in this booklet – so that we would free ourselves of distorted ideas about living in peace with murderous enemies before they cost us in blood. 

As Commander of Israel's IDF Central Command, Gandi was well aware of the terrible attacks carried out by terrorists in his time. He pursued the terrorist organizations in full force, and in most cases, the long arm of the IDF caught the wretched murderers and prevented more disasters. But I doubt whether even he ever contemplated the possibility of the calamitous failure that happened to us last month on Simchat Torah.

Now, after it has happened, will the lessons he wanted to teach us be learned? Will we make the necessary changes? 

And to those who wish to spare us the horrors of exactly what happened in southern Israel a month ago, is there any point in doing so? Gandi, in his hard-to-read book, did not spare us; is there in fact any reason to hide the horrors of our day, those that show the essence of our enemies, so that we may finally give up our illusions?