It's All Their Fault…

by Chaim Misgav, Ph.D. in Law, translated by Hillel Fendel.

At present, most unfortunately, Israel's combat situation appears to be not good, to put it mildly. In the north, the IDF is having little success dealing with Hizbullah's unmanned flying contraptions. And in the south, it is becoming continually clearer that the Oct. 7^th massacre was not the result only of local failures and mishaps, but mainly of a much larger picture of misreading the situation.

For years, the security establishment fed us fake-forecasts. Chief of Staff after Chief of Staff jumped into our political lives, pretending to be what they never truly were. Their arrogance was boundless. The humongous budgets that the army and defense establishment received were distributed far from the public's eye. [It is precisely this issue that Finance Minister Betzalel Smotrich is attempting to address, to the consternation of the current security establishment; see for instance https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/390676 - Hillel Fendel] Misguided conceptions have taken over the IDF General Staff, and no one has taken them to task for this.

We now hear that IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Hertzy Levi is whining that the IDF is missing 15 battalions [of hundreds of soldiers each]. It reminds me that not long ago, we were being told that the IDF could easily deal with two fronts, or even more, at once. We must never forget these boastful claims.

It's not elections that we need now. The would simply widen the sinkhole that has opened up at our feet, and would surely not extricate us from the mud around it of the multiple lies we have been served. Nor will the enlistment of a few thousand hareidim solve our nearly chronic ailments.

I can't quite put my finger on the exact point at which we became serfs of these "super heroes" crowned with military decorations - but once it happened, we never knew how to stop the process, and so, we are eating its moldy fruits now.

I still remember my astonishment when I realized that there were elements in the IDF expressing most actively their disapproval that a particular candidate had been elected Prime Minister. Their threat to refuse to serve spread like wildfire, with PR consultants leading their campaigns and protests. It is my impression that the Air Force was too busy trying to fight the judicial reform against Justice Minister Yariv Levine and Knesset Judiciary Committee Chairman Simcha Rotman, leaving no time to prepare for the new threats posed by Hizbullah drones. It was the "reasonability clause" of the judicial reform program [seeking to outlaw the claim of "not reasonable" as justification for nullifying a duly-passed Knesset law] that concerned them more than Hizbullah's future lethal use of aircraft that the Israel Air Force currently is not effectively dealing with.

I listened to Benny Ganz's speech of resignation from the unity government last week. He sought to explain why it was a smart move at this point in time for him to leave, thus weakening Israel's government and its united front. I couldn't help but remember how he said, when he was the IDF's Chief of Staff, that what was needed was a "small and efficient IDF, well-equipped, quick, flexible and organized." No one is saying that anymore…

Of course, the full responsibility for what is happening now cannot be placed on Ganz alone - but he should be seen as a reliable representative of those who led us with such blindness. The tunnels in Gaza flourished while he served as Chief of Staff, and Hizbullah grew to monstrous proportions during his tenure as Minister of Defense.

Most unfortunately, not he, nor others in the positions he occupied during these past years, have expressed a word of apology or of responsibility for what they allowed to happen under their noses during their terms. ●

Translator's Note: The domestic/political arena in Israel is currently, understandably, in great disarray. Opinions from one end of the spectrum to the other, and sometime on both sides at once, are offered on every platform. This article represents one particular viewpoint; for balance, let us include here a sampling of the talkbacks that it rec'd:

"Spot on!"
"Total nonsense!"
"Why no mention of Netanyahu and his faulty leadership and how he supported Hamas with cash?"
"It's America's fault for not allowing us to win."
"Those who brought us the Oslo Accords must be brought to trial."
"We need new elections right now!"
"Why are we not fighting the war in Gaza like we really mean it?"

The Secret is Out: The Shoah is not the Reason for the State of Israel

by well-known educator Rabbi Yoni Lavi, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Time to say it clearly: Israel does not exist because Jews are poor and helpless, but because history and ethics demand it.  

It's standard procedure in the Foreign Ministry of the State of Israel: Every foreign diplomat or head of state who lands in the country is whisked away for short visit to Yad Vashem. Only after he directly experiences just a taste of what the accursed Nazis did to the Jewish nation will he begin to get down to business and be shown what else Israel has to offer.

Even the Jewish calendar has been recruited for this purpose, in that Holocaust Remembrance Day precedes Israel Independence Day by just one week. 

What is, in fact, the connection between these two dates and these two events?

For most people, the answer is clear: The Holocaust is the justification and reason for the existence of the State of Israel. The terrible calamity in which a third of the Jewish People was cruelly and systematically annihilated made clear before the entire world why our people requires a safe haven and a country it can call its own.

This approach is totally and essentially mistaken, and harms very practically our standing in the world. 

For one thing, though the Shoah did in fact happen – it did not have to. The establishment of the State of Israel, on the other hand, is something that is entirely a historical necessity. Mankind and history waited breathlessly for nearly 2,000 years for Israel to arise, even if they didn't even realize it. It would have happened with or without the Holocaust, even if it would have taken a few more decades or even centuries. 

The Jewish view of history, as seen in the Torah, is that the exile of the Jewish People over the course of nearly 2,000 years was a historic glitch. That is, it was purposefully executed by G-d (as we recite in our prayers: "Because of our sins we were exiled from our land"), but it lasted longer than we expected. The ultimate Divine plan, however, regarding the Chosen Nation [i.e., chosen for its mission] never changed: "This nation I created for Me, it will recount My praise" (Yeshayahu 43,21). We have a mission and a destiny, which can be fulfilled only via a sovereign Jewish kingdom living a Torah life as an exemplary society serving as a prototype of life of truth and morality for the entire world. This is of course the "light unto the nations" (Isaiah 49,6) of which the Prophet spoke. 

On the practical level, the attempt to use the Holocaust as a justification for our national political existence is not smart. To play on the world's conscience and cry that "you owe us a state because of what you did to us" cannot be a successful approach. Simply put: It's no longer the Jews who are viewed as victims, but rather the so-called Palestinians.

They have become professionals in the field, awarded the ultimate global gold medal in "victimhood" time after time. What's more, they don't hesitate to lie and manipulate in every possible way to portray their misery and wretchedness. The fascinating question, "Could it be that they themselves are to blame for their misery?" doesn't exactly interest the world. For us to try to remind the international court of opinion (and all the more so, of "Justice") that we have no place to go and that we face daily threats of extermination is an exercise in pointlessness.

What we must do is revolutionize our own thought process about the underpinnings of the State of Israel, and this will lead to an overhaul in the way we present it to the world. It is time that we realize, and declare to the world, that we are not here because we are poor victims – but rather because integrity dictates it. Our position is historically correct and just. 

We don't need the world to have pity on us and throw us a bone of Middle East real estate. We stand proudly to demand the fundamental right to actualize our historic rights, as first exercised by our forefathers. We did not conquer this land; we simply returned home.

How can one be considered an occupier of his own home?

After nearly 2,000 years of being forced to wander the world, we have finally begun to return to ourselves, to our land, to our home – and the heart of the world has begun to beat anew. 

And in this vein, I would like to offer a word of advice to our Foreign Ministry: How about, instead of dragging the foreign diplomats to Yad Vashem, taking them for an inspirational visit to the Machpelah Cave? How about showing them the places that our forefather Abraham walked, that Isaac lived, that Jacob dreamt – accompanied by the repeated Divine promise they each heard, "to your descendants I have given this Land"?

Any chance we will gather up the fortitude to say this truth aloud? If so, the world might even begin to listen!

The New Misconception: No Less Dangerous than the Old One

by Haggai Huberman, Israeli journalist, author, and the editor of Matzav HaRuach, translated by Hillel Fendel.

If someone thinks that granting the Palestinian Authority (Fatah) control of the Gaza Strip is a defeat for Hamas, he is misreading reality.

The more we complain about the "conception" that led the government and army astray straight to the catastrophe of this past Simchat Torah, the more we now seem to be overlooking yet another "conception" sprouting in our midst – one that is no less dangerous than the previous one. Until eight months ago, the common belief was that Hamas was "deterred," that Sinwar wanted only to rehabilitate the Gaza Strip, and that all was under control. But now, the new conception, spouted and echoed by all the politicians and talking heads on every channel and website you open – on the left, that is – is: There is no way to defeat Hamas militarily.

The conclusion thereof is that we must hand over the Strip to the control of the Palestinian Authority – otherwise known as Fatah, Hamas' nemesis - and that this will be the ultimate defeat of Hamas. Hamas is frightened to death of losing its governing control in Gaza, and therefore the picture of victory for Israel, according to this mistaken approach, is when Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) and his forces march into Gaza in triumph. 

It's interesting that those pushing for a deal for the captives and for PA rule in Gaza don't seem to note the inherent contradiction in their position: In return for the hostages, Hamas demands an end to the war and an end to Israel's attempts to depose it – a result that contrasts precisely with granting control of Gaza to Fatah. That is, if we insist on Fatah rule, there can be no hostage deal, and vice versa.

"But that's not the main issue," I say to my friends on the left. "The main issue is that you're once again building up a false conception - founded misguidedly upon your wishes and desires, but totally detached from reality." 

"Your first mistake is that handing over the Strip to Fatah control is not the great Hamas defeat that you think it is. In fact, Hamas has no problem with us granting control to Abu Mazen. At worst, it's a little glitch in their plans to retain sole control of Gaza. They most certainly know how to get rid of Fatah, as they did already in 2007 in a military coup, which included throwing Fatah rivals off rooftops [to which Fatah responded in kind]." 

Let us recall the history: In June 2007, the escalation of violence between Hamas and Israel began to wane, after yet another round of dozens of rockets fired at Jewish towns near Gaza. At the same time, internecine fighting between Fatah and Hamas in Gaza began to intensify. Though both Fatah and Hamas were partners at the time in one government, headed by Ismail Haniye of Hamas, their battles on one particular day – June 11, 2007 – ended with no fewer than 18 dead. Haniye himself narrowly escaped an assassination attempt. The next day, Hamas presented an ultimatum to Fatah, demanding that they turn in all their weapons and resign from their government positions.

Fatah was not fazed and the battles continued. On the 14th of June, Hamas captured the Preventive Security headquarters, one of the last strongholds of Abu Mazen and Fatah forces in Gaza, and threatened to execute senior Fatah officials. By that evening, Hamas had taken control of most of the Gaza Strip and many Fatah security headquarters. The next day, Hamas had taken over the Philadelphi axis on the Egyptian border and the Rafah Crossing there. On June 16, dozens of Hamas supporters had ransacked Yasser Arafat's home and the PA side of the Erez Crossings. 

Bottom line: 15,000 Hamas men defeated the 60,000 of Fatah.

Only a fool would believe that history will not repeat itself in this case. If Israel now withdraws from Gaza and hands it over to Fatah, Hamas will take much less time than the two years it took last time to ruthlessly defeat Fatah.

There is only one entity that can stop the above scenario: the Israel Defense Forces. A necessary condition for a renewed Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip is the total departure of the IDF from the entire area. Thus, the opposite is also true: The only way to guarantee that Hamas does not return to any form of power is for Israel to retain exclusive security control over the Gaza Strip. 

Only under such conditions is there room to discuss what civilian body will be authorized to run the daily lives of the residents of Gaza after the war ends.

Civil War Provocations

by Emanuel Shilo, Editor of the Besheva weekly magazine, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The tremendous damage caused, both in the past and present, by left-wing organizations such as "Brothers in Arms" leave them no moral right to impose their divisive stance on the majority. 

1. The Israeli organization that calls itself "Brothers in Arms" revealed this week again its belligerent, divisive and hostile face, after having put on a show of unity and cooperation during the first months of the war. The "Brothers" have now returned to openly place atop their agenda what has always been and still is their overall goal: the overthrow of the Netanyahu government. 

Is it really too much to ask for a "ceasefire" in their ongoing aggression, at a time when the rest of us are working together against cruel external enemies supported by the hypocrisy of the international community? Do they not realize that practically the only thing that our soldiers who continue to endanger their lives, both physically and often economically, are asking is: "Stop fighting with each other!" 

Instead, they have now advanced to their next stage of their no-holds-barred campaign: violent protests and sieges against Israeli drivers. And we know that if all this doesn't work, they still have more ideas – some of which they have used in the past - as to how harm the country and step on its neck until their minority opinion succeeds in toppling the emergency unity government.

The other alternative, of course, is for the usually silent majority to wake up and make it patently clear that this time, they won't succeed; that we won't let them divide us and cause strife; and that those who waved the flag of "refusal to serve" over the IDF, and who violently disrupted the Yom Kippur prayers in Dizengoff Square, have lost their moral right to guide Israeli society and force their opinions upon us.

2. When it comes to the judicial and punitive measures leveled against the protestors, the "selective enforcement" cries out to the heavens in its injustice. The stench of the discrimination in favor of the left-wing protestors attests to a deep rot in the State Prosecution and the legal system. When Moshe Feiglin led civil protests, including road-blockings, 30 years ago against the Oslo Accords, the police cleared the roads very forcefully and quickly, and Feiglin was sentenced to six months of public service and a year on probation. Does anyone think there's a chance in the world that Shikma Bressler, a professor from Weizmann Institute who is using similar, but more acute, methodology in the current protests, will be prosecuted in the same way? No one on the left forgets to mention at every opportunity that Betzalel Smotrich was arrested by the Shabak on suspicion of wanting to light fires on the Ayalon Highway to protest the retreat from Gush Katif – but does anyone expect that those who lit the fires on Ayalon last month will sit even one day in a Shabak prison? Other examples abound, of course; the point is clear. 

It appears that the judges have decided that the left-wing protests must be allowed to continue under all circumstances, while the law itself that prohibits, or at least inhibits, such acts must be enforced only against hareidim, right-wingers, Ethiopians, and other citizens who are not part of the "enlightened" camp. 

3. This does not mean that there is never room for blocking roads as a means of protest. But this tool can be justified only when it is used in the correct proportions, in extreme cases, and of course when those who use it are willing to pay the legal price of doing so. Road-blockings, if carried out, must be a form of protest – not blackmail! Their objective must be to raise public awareness regarding an issue that has not found expression otherwise. But regarding the protests of the Kaplanists [those who protested against the government every week for months at the Kaplan Intersection in Tel Aviv, and who have now resumed this practice], there is no need to block roads in order to bring the issue to the public agenda – for it is in the public eye absolutely all the time, thanks to the many large media outlets that have enlisted for the cause. 

And even when done for the right reasons, road-blockings must be for short periods of time. The idea is that they will be merely bothersome, but not cause misery or harm by forcing tens of thousands of drivers to be stuck in their cars for hours at a time. The Kaplanists and Brothers in Arms are not following these guidelines, nor are they willing to pay for their actions, and this is why the broad public is sick of their divisive and damaging tactics – especially in the midst of a war.

4. Under normal circumstances, "Brothers in Arms" should have disappeared from the public arena immediately following the Oct. 7th massacre. Anyone with eyes in his head saw that one of the reasons Hamas set out to slaughter us was because of the assumption that the IDF had been significantly weakened by the noisy threats of refusal to serve, led and inspired by the Brothers. The fact that in the event, many thousands who had threatened to abandon their country did not do so, and instead fought bravely against the enemy, does not atone for the acute blow to our deterrence that was caused by their threats. 

In this war that was forced upon us, the sociological composition of the combat units was clearly seen in the list of IDF casualties, with a disproportionately high number of religious and Yesha-resident soldiers. This fact alone totally neutralizes the Brothers in Arms' arrogant claims that they speak in the name of those who bear the brunt of the war effort.

The leaders of Brothers in Arms would be well advised to sit in the corner in shame. If they wanted to contribute once the war started and take positive action on behalf of the country – perhaps in order to make up for the some of the damage they caused – they should not have done so under the logo of the organization that caused so much harm. Yes, they did some good things, but these were accompanied by a well-funded PR campaign that presented them as if they were the only body helping out during those difficult hours, and as if they had saved the country. Even if there were any truth to this claim, the bandages they offered us were much too small, in light of the tremendous wounds they caused us beforehand. They were actually just one body among very many that provided help without PR and the need to use their accomplishments for political gain.

5. Public personalities, including leading journalists and Religious-Zionist rabbis, rushed at the beginning of the war to embrace the left-wingers of Be'eri and Kfar Aza who paid such a heavy price. This was in the framework of their desire to increase brotherhood and unity. But they erred when they included in their embrace the leaders of Brothers in Arms as well, before receiving any type of commitment to refrain from again using the weapon of "refusal" in the future. Instead, the Brothers used their newly-gained legitimacy, including recognition by the Knesset Finance Committee as an organization with tax-deductible status, to return to their divisive and dangerous political activity - and during wartime at that.

A word to the well-meaning: Those who are not intimately familiar with the way these activists work, would be well-advised to utilize the services of those who follow them day-to-day so that they not fall into the trap of granting them legitimacy which they then use to harm the State of Israel. 

So Far: Israel's Achievements and Failures in the Gaza War

by Kobi Eliraz, former Advisor to the Defense Minister on Settlement Affairs, translated by Hillel Fendel.

As one who has been actively involved on the front lines in the Gaza Strip for several months now, I am well aware of the gap between the IDF's actual significant achievements in this war, and the public perception that we are not truly making great progress.

While the IDF indeed failed in its mission on October 7th - the result of the mistaken conception we all lived by, some more than others – it is important to know that even that very day, our forces regrouped, recovered, and found great strengths. In reality, we have had quite a few accomplishments on the battlefield, despite the boastful declarations by Hamas and its leaders. In the following lines, I will enumerate these achievements, and also point out the goals and areas in which we need to improve.

Ever since the IDF attacked the Gaza Strip following the Hamas massacre, our forces have exacted a significant civilian toll among the residents on all battlefields – north, south and central Gaza, in both urban and rural areas – while finding much evidence of the widespread extent of their hostility and support for terrorism. 

IDF forces razed tens of thousands of buildings and numerous civilian infrastructures, primarily those used by Hamas. The immense destruction we have caused has decreased, somewhat, the motivation of the other side to attack us and to continue supporting Hamas. It also sends a crucial message to others of our Middle Eastern enemies watching from the sidelines: "Whoever attacks us, remember: the price tag will be heavy."

Thus far, most of the underground infrastructures of Hamas have been destroyed. It is true that we were taken by surprise - and still are at times - from the extent of the underground city in Gaza. The fact is, however, that we have succeeded in destroying 70% of it (according to my estimation), using various means that keep on getting better. By the end of the current offensive in Rafah, I expect that we will have demolished 80% of the infrastructures. 

On the other hand, preserving this achievement and preventing the renewal of these underground cities when Gaza is once again rebuilt are critical objectives, in which we must invest much thought and creativity.  

Another important move that we have made there is to expand the "buffer zone" perimeter to one kilometer throughout the length of the Gaza Strip, within Gaza. Our forces have destroyed every building, orchard and greenhouse in this area, leaving us with a kilometer-wide zone that in effect distances the border from us and enables us a much better defense. Maintaining this achievement also requires much work.

In the seven-plus months of fighting we have also depleted the ranks of the terrorists, killing most of the combat fighters and wounding many as well. Many Nukhba troops (elite Hamas commando units who carried out the Simchat Torah massacre) are still active, but a large part of their leadership has been killed. The remaining enemy forces continue to cause us occasional casualties, but their effectiveness has been clearly depleted. The same is true for the amount of weapons they have, compared to the colossal amounts they held at the beginning of the war.

And last but not at all least: our soldiers' fighting spirit. If there were any questions and doubts about Israel's Tik-Tok generation's motivation to defend their country, the war came along and not only dispelled these reservations, but has shown the opposite. The question marks have become exclamation points, providing great encouragement regarding the state of our youth and society. The fighters take the offensive, and are imbued with a spirit of combativeness, great motivation, and notable capabilities.

Of course, there is still much to improve. Topping the list is the painful matter of the hostages still being held captive in Gaza. Aside from several dozen who were released during the ceasefire, a few others who were rescued by the IDF, and a few corpses that the army was able to locate and extract (involving great effort) – over 120 hostages still remain there, dead or alive. 

Second in importance is the fact that many Hamas leaders, including the top ones, have still not been killed. They are important symbols of Hamas strength, and thereby continue to inject life into the Hamas war effort.

Another point that we must note is that a significant amount of Hamas terrorists have returned to areas that the IDF already succeeded in conquering and cleaning out. They have also begun rebuilding the terrorist infrastructures there. Similar problems have arisen regarding the Philadelphi route and the Rafah district in southern Gaza. This is something that must be dealt with immediately.

The IDF is expected to complete its mission in Rafah within a few weeks, and consideration must be given to the question of who will control the area afterwards. Both above and below ground must be secured, and ground obstacles that will prevent the prevalent smuggling of arms into Gaza must be built. The same applies to the new Netzarim route: Who will hold it, and how? Is another route needed between Rafah and Khan Yunis, and perhaps elsewhere? Despite the controversies surrounding the issue, it is becoming clear to all that the IDF must and will continue to hold the Gaza Strip in the near future, though it is not clear how this will be manifest. Clear statements from Israel's diplomatic echelon are also required here.

Israel's strategy during this war is to conquer territory, save soldiers' lives, and not cause harm to our captives. Fighting this type of war comes at the price of slow advancement of our forces, the enemy's ability to constantly reorganize, and more. In addition, the international pressure, in the form of recognition of a Palestinian state, arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant, and the Hague's demand for an end to the Rafah offensive, make it quite difficult for us to achieve our defined war objectives.

It can be said that we have failed to present our case effectively in the world arena, though the international community has long been known for its hypocrisy and ignorance when it comes to the Israeli-Arab conflict. However, it is still better late than never. We must not give up on the very important issue, and we have no choice but to invest great efforts in fighting on this critical front.  

An objective examination of the seven months of fighting in Gaza reveals significant achievements in the campaign. It can cautiously be said that we are actually winning, though dozens of captives still remain concealed in Gaza. A structured and detailed plan for Israel's continued presence in Gaza for at least the coming decade is direly required.