The Exorbitant Price of Terrorist Releases

by Meir Indor, Chairman of the Almagor Association of Terrorist Victims, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Freeing terrorists in exchange for Israeli hostages, which Israel has done repeatedly over the years, encourages further kidnappings, weakens our deterrence, and leaves the families of terrorist victims out of the picture. The time has come to change direction and set clear red lines. 

The State of Israel has found itself, in recent decades and years, on a very worrisome track of normalizing the release of hundreds of terrorists, if not more, in the framework of a "deal" for hostages. 

Something that in the past was very infrequent and exceptional has become almost routine. This trend, supported at times by elements in the political, judicial, and media establishments, causes tremendous harm to Israel's deterrence, erodes the public trust, and encourages increased terrorism. 

INVITING KIDNAPPINGS

When the release of terrorists becomes known as an accepted means by which to deal with the problem of Israelis in captivity, the result is a direct incentivization for the terrorist organizations to step up their murderous activity. When Hamas and its ilk succeed in obtaining mass releases of terrorists from Israeli prisons, this proves to them how effective is their usage of kidnappings as a strategic tool. This model, which reached its climax in the Shalit deal of 2011 (1,027 Palestinian terrorists in exchange for soldier Gilad Shalit) – anchors in a dangerous construct: One Israeli hostage = hundreds of terrorists freed from prison.

Added to this problematic situation is the fact that various countries around the world support terrorism via funding, arms, or diplomatic backing. Not only that, but the imprisoned terrorists are treated to very favorable conditions, and even judicial support. All of these contribute to form an atmosphere that encourages more kidnappings, and further distances Israel from its goal of achieving stable deterrence. 

THE VICTIMS' FAMILIES ARE LEFT ON THE SIDELINES

This approach is very painful, in particular to the families of past terrorist victims. Not only did they lose their loved ones, but they also feel that they have been shunted away from the judicial and diplomatic channels. In the past, the families were able to file court appeals against the releases, but now this option has all been eliminated, in that the courts always reject it with the claim that these deals are "diplomatic" decisions. 

The fact that the Supreme Court makes its decisions about these types of deal at night, and sometimes even without inviting representatives of the families of victims, gives over a very grave message: "The memory of the victims, and the right of their families to present their position, are irrelevant."

For the terrorist organizations, this is another proof that Israel has accepted – even if not willingly – the system of kidnappings as a reality it must live with.

THE MEDIA'S CROOKED NARRATIVE

The way the media covers the issue also has a significant impact. In many cases, the families of the hostages receive extensive exposure, while other voices – such as "Tikvah (Hope) Forum," which opposes prisoner release deals – are almost completely silenced. The distorted narrative that is widely presented now, which suggests that every hostage, dead or alive, must be rescued "at any cost," is liable to disrupt the ethical and security balance of the State of Israel. 

There are even army officers who admit that the IDF is limited in how it conducts its battles in Gaza – and that these limitations stem from the presence of the hostages in (or under, to be more precise) the area of the warfare. Thus, soldiers are liable to be endangered, and their units do not have the necessary freedom of mobility to maneuver as they need.

WRONG MESSAGE TO THE ENEMY

An abrupt and massive release of terrorists sends a clear and sharp message to the enemy: Terrorism pays off. The murderers of our parents, siblings, and children become heroes in their society, and our army's deterrence capabilities are significantly compromised. There is a genuine fear that each deal comes with much worse terms than the one before it, and the vicious cycle will upend our essential national security. 

CHANGING THE PARADIGM

Israel need not give in to this phenomenon. A strong stand against terrorism is a success in and of itself. It buttresses our deterrence, our national confidence in the army and government, and our national image in the international arena. We must put a halt to these terrorist releases, and strive instead for clear victory that will prevent not the next exchange deal, but the next kidnapping. 

Only a clear and uncompromising policy that emphasizes that terrorism will not pay off will restore Israel's deterrence force and provide security for its citizens.

Syria's New President: A Real Change – or a Clever Trick Being Played on the West?

by former Ambassador Yoram Ettinger - researcher, diplomat, writer, lecturer and consultant to Israeli and US legislators, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Is the new president of Syria - Ahmed Hussein al-Sharaa, better known by his nom de guerre Abu Mohammad al-Julani – still a bona-fide murderous terrorist now dressed in a suit, or has he truly left his past and now seeks to pragmatically rebuild Syria which has been torn apart tribally, ethnically, religiously, and ideologically? 

Just to be clear, the first option in more detail is that he is suspected to be tricking Western policy makers, who are frustrated with nearly 14 centuries of internecine Muslim wars in the bleeding Middle East, into believing that he actually wants and will bring peaceful co-existence guided by practical finances and diplomacy. 

Just as with other Middle East leaders, such as Mahmoud Abbas, long-time chairman of the Palestinian Authority, and Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Iran, the answer to the enigma of their beliefs and intentions can be found most authentically in their educational systems, Friday sermons in mosques, official media, and ties with terrorist organizations. 

 Given al-Julani's ISIS and Al-Qaeda jihadist background, any Western gesture towards him - such as suspending economic sanctions or renewing diplomatic relations - must be conditioned on the eradication of hate education, the anti-West bent of sermons and the media, and the severing of all ties with terrorist organizations. He must also explicitly and officially renounce the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood and of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, which calls for the overthrow of nationalist Muslim regimes, the subjugation of "infidels," and the installation of Islam as the world’s only legitimate religion.

If we want to be reality-based when dealing with al-Julani, we must learn from the precedents of other Middle East leaders who totally misled Western policy makers. For example, former Syrian dictator Bashar Assad, when he first took power, spoke with moderation and placed emphasis on his past as an ophthalmologist in Great Britain. The West was likely also fooled by his having married a British citizen of Syrian origin, his position as president of the Syrian Internet Union, and his ability to speak several languages. The apparently moderate Assad was hosted by the President of France during the Bastille Day Parade, and became a friend of senior U.S. Senator John Kerry and other American lawmakers. 

Not long after taking office, however, Assad was revealed to be even more evil than his father. He slaughtered his own citizens and led a civil war that killed more than a half-million people, led to seven million refugees outside Syria, and another similar number displaced within the country. 

Let us consider Iran. In 1978, Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini surrounded himself with a bunch of young, brilliant, and articulate advisors, graduates of Western universities who spoke multiple foreign languages. He instructed them to brief American diplomats and journalists with (dis)information portraying an anti-Soviet, pro-American worldview, a focus on human rights for the Iranian people, the lack of desire and intent to export the Islamic revolution beyond Iran’s borders, and a commitment to peaceful coexistence with Sunni neighbors.

Then-U.S. President Jimmy Carter loved hearing these things, and his Administration was of the opinion that all was well: "Khomeini will deal with tractors, not tanks," and "he will be the same as Indira Gandhi." Carter exerted heavy pressure on the Iranian army, which objected to Khomeini's return from exile in France, thus helping facilitate the toppling of the Shah's pro-American regime. 

Again, this approach soon proved to be the opposite of the truth. Guided by a fanatical vision, Khomeini executed a large number of top army figures, took over the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, and held 52 Americans hostage for 444 days (until the day of Ronald Reagan's inauguration). In the process, he transformed Iran from being “America’s policeman in the Gulf” into the world’s leading anti-American hub of terrorism, drug trafficking, money laundering, and weapons systems proliferation. This was quite a large-scale American misjudgment.

In 1993, Yasser Arafat similarly fooled the West. He made declarations of peace – whenever he spoke to Western and Israeli audiences, that is, but certainly not in Arab forums – that were precisely adapted to the addiction of Israeli and Western leaders to the alternate reality of "peace now" and a "new Middle East." While these leaders were focused on "progress" and "coexistence," and while Arafat was being laundered into a peace activist who was actually awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, his Palestinian populace was breaking out an unprecedented wave of murderous terrorism, known as the Intifada.

Back to al-Julani. The Muslim Brotherhood, the world's largest Sunni terrorist organization, sees his power grab in Syria as a tremendous inspiration for similar developments throughout the Arab world. Ever since the Muslim Brotherhood was founded in 1928, it has shown expertise in misleading the West, via a combination of religious, educational, social, charitable, and political activity, together with terrorism and subversion. Driven by a vision of the establishment of a universal society based on Islam as the sole legitimate religion, the Brotherhood mandates the overthrow of all nationalist Muslim regimes, as well as the subjugation of the "infidel" West. 

In contrast to the Western foreign policy establishment, which does not view the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, all moderate Arab regimes feel the blade of the Brotherhood at their throats.

Bottom line: While al-Julani could end up being a terrorist-turned-pragmatist, the West must learn from its past mistakes. In the words of John Jenkins, a leading British expert on the Muslim Brotherhood and the Middle East: "The West must overcome the temptation to interpret the Middle East using Western values and concepts…. The West is liable to be tempted to believe that the toppling of an evil Middle Eastern regime leads to the rise of a more positive regime. However, Middle East reality proves the opposite… Governmental violence does not get weaker, but rather returns…"

Good luck to us all!

Wanted: A Designer for the Beautiful National Service Garments

by Dr. Sarah Katan, gynecologist, teacher and author, translated by Hillel Fendel.

We are witness today to a small but growing trend in the religious-Zionist public of girls enlisting to serve in the army, and often in combat positions. Perhaps they feel a deep desire to take part in the same mitzvah that their male counterparts are engaged in when they leave the Torah study hall to wage the war of defense of Israel mandated by G-d in His Torah.

When a G-d-fearing young man puts on an IDF uniform for a mission of sanctity, it is like the garments of a Cohen (priest) in the Holy Temple. Is it the same for a young woman?

It would seem not. When a woman puts on male garments, this is a violation of the Torah's commandment not to cross-dress (Deut. 22,5). But does this apply to an IDF uniform?

The IDF khaki has a magic about it that arouses general national pride and nostalgia. From back in the days of the Haganah and Palmach, when women fought shoulder to shoulder with their brothers in arms, they had perfect faith that they were fulfilling a historic mission. The romantic image of a smiling, female warrior with the sun on her face, with a pony tail, light shirt, and a Sten gun flung over her shoulder, is implanted deeply in our national memory. So, too, are exemplary role models such as Chana Senesh (a young Zionist pioneer captured by the Nazis while on an Allied mission) and the many unknown females who guarded their isolated villages under Arab fire, with courage and great dedication. The nostalgic image of a proud woman fighter standing together with the male soldiers became a national symbol.

By Order: No Women in Combat

However, at some point during the War of Independence, after several instances in which the Arabs specifically targeted female fighters, the IDF-in-formation adopted a standing order that women may not be sent into combat. This order was preserved for decades – up to the "victory of progress" in our generation.

When we peel away the layer of glory of military service, a complex reality is unveiled, one that must be studied calmly and professionally. Let me introduce you to Dana, a young female combat soldier whom I met in my clinic, after she had undergone four orthopedic operations for ligament tears in her knees and ankles. With tired eyes she told me how she had dreamt of being a combat soldier, and then how the dream collapsed around her: "I couldn't get myself up out of bed in the mornings, but I kept on pushing myself – until my body left me with no choice but to stop."

As a women's doctor who has accompanied many young girls, my professional opinion is this: Combat duty is not good for women. A woman's body is made, first and foremost, for pregnancy and birth, and is certainly not built for loads and strains, as is a man's body. Her pelvis is wider, the angle of the knees is sharper, and the proportion between her muscle mass and fat mass is different. A woman's muscle mass, on the average, is some 30% lower than that of a man of enlistment age. These and other factors render the woman's mobility vulnerable to damage when under high pressure and continued load-bearing efforts. Women tend to suffer more knee ligament tears, stress fractures in the tibia (shin bones), and pains in the hip joint caused by accelerated cartilage degeneration.

And if all that is not enough, bone mass is relatively low in women aged 18-21, which can contribute to compression fractures in the spinal vertebrae. Her hormonal system is much more vulnerable to physical and mental fatigue, and sometimes also mood swings due to stress and extreme efforts. The situation not only reduces quality of life, but also risks long-term health risks; future bone mass density is harmed, increasing the risk of osteoporosis.

The Ladder Aside the Wall

In addition, women's muscles and tendons do not react as men's do to intensive physical training. Heavy loads and the like contribute to a high propensity to chronic tendon infections, shoulder tears, and ongoing lower back pain. IDF studies have shown that women require medical evacuation at twice the rate of men during infantry training courses. This must give us pause. In recent years, more cases of injuries in the pelvic area have been documented for female soldiers, starting with bruises to the pelvic bones because of falls, and ending with injuries to the pelvic floor that are liable to lead impaired quality of life. Carrying heavy equipment, long runs, and repeated falls are all liable to cause future damage to these women.

Even young women who ostensibly meet the same physical requirements as men, in actuality don't fill them. The army actually bends its own rules in order to show results that will fit the progressives' needs. Remember the small ladder that was placed against the wall so that the girls could climb over it just like the boys? Incredibly, the officers in charge of that training exercise actually thought it was a good idea to make believe that the females had passed the test. By what right does the IDF promote moves that endanger the quality of combat?

Our female high school graduates must know and internalize: National Service – in hospitals, schools, communities, and the like – is not a lesser form of helping our country than is military service. National Service, called Sherut Leumi, provides a framework in which young women can contribute and assume responsibility to a high degree, without dangers of physiological harm.

And all this is without reference to the spiritual and Halakhic problems females face when serving the armed forces, from which they are largely saved in the various National Service frameworks.

In my opinion, the girls must be enabled and encouraged to make an intelligent choice, based on medical and other information. They must not be fooled into thinking that serving in the army will provide them with absolute equality. True equality, rather, is when each girl is given the opportunity to know and to choose.

Not to mention: Do we really want to be "equal?" Men and women are different in their very essence – and this is a good thing.

My heart skips a beat when I see you, soldier of Israel, adorned with a long beard and sidecurls, dressed in an IDF uniform, with a countenance of grace. It brings to mind the Yom Kippur prayer, "Truly how wondrous was the look of the High Priest when he emerged from the Holy of Holies after having atone for Israel." I'm now busy looking for a talented dress designer to fashion garments for the wife of the High Priest, for the girls of the National Service.

Unwanted Foreign Funding

Adapted from an article in Besheva magazine by Nitzan Kedar, journalist and author, translated by Hillel Fendel.

A Congressional inquiry is underway into U.S. financial intervention in Israel's affairs and attempts to sway it leftwards. Both the U.S. and Israel Tell Sources, "Mind Your Own Business!"

During the seemingly long-ago era before the infamous October 7^th and the ensuing war in Gaza, one of the issues that the Israeli nationalist camp was focused on was that of foreign funding for the left-wing anti-judicial reform protests. Some claimed that various foreign entities were involved in fueling the anti-government unrest, while many dismissed these claims as fake news.

It now turns out that the smoke in this case seems to have signaled a bona-fide fire – and the U.S. Congress is taking action. Various steps are being taken in both Israel and the United States both to prove that this funding happened - directed against the sitting Israeli government and against objectives that Israel seeks to advance - and also to cut off significant portions of it.

American Money for Intervention in Israel

In recent months, with relatively sparse media coverage, a Congressional investigation into these monies has been underway, spearheaded by Representatives Jim Jordan and Brian Mast. As of now, the relevant committee (actually, two committees working as one) has revealed that the Biden Administration provided grant funds to groups that contributed, directly and indirectly, to the widespread protests in the year before the war, and at other times, that sought to undermine the Israeli government. In addition, according to the committee, documents obtained during this investigation suggest that the Biden-Harris Administration funded groups with ties to U.S.-designated terrorist organizations.

In March of this year, the Congressional committee sent letters to six U.S. and Israeli non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to request documents related to any grants, cooperative agreements, or other awards received from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) or the State Department. The NGOs are: Blue White Future, Movement for Quality Government in Israel, Middle East Peace Dialogue Network, Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, PEF Israel Endowment Funds, and Jewish Communal Fund.

Almost all of them are associated with left-wing, liberal, and/or progressive causes, such as the two-state solution and opposition to the Netanyahu government, although the last two are merely "donor-advised" conduits for various causes, including many associated with the left-wing camp.

As many members of Congress allege, U.S. government funding of these groups is most certainly an acute case of official meddling in internal Israeli affairs. The legislators are greatly concerned, mainly because, as they say, American taxpayers want to see their money being used for their own affairs and not those of other countries.

The committee sent letters last month to some of the above NGO's, alleging that Blue White Future received some $18 million from the PEF Israel Endowment Funds as well as approximately $4 million from the Middle East Peace Dialogue Network. The Congressmen maintain that though the organization denied receiving direct funding from the U.S. government, it did not provide documents proving the nature of the funding from third-party funds.

The Jordan-Mast Congressional committee also demanded that The Abraham Initiatives – a Jewish/Arab Israeli organization that says it seeks to "guarantee and protect the full citizenship and equal rights of its Palestinian citizens," and wants Israel to "exist peacefully alongside an independent, sovereign Palestinian state" – reveal information on grants it received from the Administration, including $375,000 from the State Department in 2021.  The Abraham Initiatives was also asked to detail its connections with Blue White Future, the New Israel Fund, and others. Tides Network, another left-leaning donor-advised fund, was similarly asked to explain a $25 million grant it received from USAID.

Jordan and Mast spelled out their accusations clearly: The Biden Administration gave money with the purpose of "trying to undermine the democratic government of Israel." They noted that "the use of federal grants in this way not only endangers the relationship between the United States and one of its closest allies, but also undermines basic civil liberties." This could even constitute a criminal offense, they said, and requested the organizations’ cooperation for an official investigation.

A main player in the investigation is USAID – a U.S. government body alleged to have transferred millions of dollars to organizations connected with terrorist orgs and anti-Semitic groups. This is largely why the Trump Administration recently took significant actions to dismantle it, effectively halting its operations. On his first day in office, President Trump signed an executive order freezing nearly all U.S. foreign aid for a 90-day review, and it was announced soon afterwards that the lion's share of USAID’s global staff would be placed on administrative leave or terminated.

A Legislative Bill in Israel

Similar efforts to stop foreign intervention in Israel are being taken in Israel itself. Likud MK Ariel Kalner is sponsoring a bill to levy an 80% tax on donations from foreign countries to Israeli associations and organizations. The law would also forbid Israeli courts from hearing suits brought by associations funded mostly by foreign countries. (Both of these rules will not apply if the funded org is also supported by Israel.) The Finance Minister and Knesset Finance Committee, according to the proposed bill, will have the joint right to exempt the 80% tax if "special" conditions apply.

MK Kalner explained: "The bill is intended to completely dismantle organizations that violate laws, such as the law against BDE, or that call for disobedience to IDF orders… But we have no issue with [countries] that fund organizations dealing with their culture or aid to Holocaust survivors. It's organizations that file petitions in courts, create protests, or lobby for political causes that are problematic. Therefore, any organization receiving foreign funding will have to declare that it is not using that money for anti-Israel activities."

Kalner says the problem has long been very extensive: "Since 2012, more than a billion shekels have been funneled to associations that advanced political agendas in Israel, creating the idea of 'settler violence,' calling for sanctions against residents of Judea and Samaria, and promoting the two-state solution. Even the campaign that seeks to emphasize supposed 'religious coercion' in Israeli society was funded, according to our understanding, by the German government."

Incredibly, Kalner notes, "Israel's Supreme Court has been flooded with some 1,000 petitions over the past eight years on these types of issues. It is mind-boggling that these organizations continue to function here with foreign funding, especially, as we recently saw, regarding the protests against the judicial reform and, consequently, against the duly-elected government of Israel. This is why this bill is genuinely part of our ongoing struggle for independence; it seeks to preserve the sovereignty of the State of Israel."

Asked whether the Biden Administration had attempted to block the bill from being passed, Kalner answered in the affirmative: "This happened when I first raised it, in May 2023. The Americans, together with European countries, pressured strongly against it. This is why I raised it against immediately after Trump took office this year, with the understanding that in the U.S. they also are trying to counter this trend."

"The associations are also very much against this bill," Kalner said. "This is a problem that not only we are suffering from; I heard from officials in Hungary and Slovakia that foreign countries are trying to meddle in their internal affairs as well."

With both the U.S. and Israel working to stop the worrisome trend of foreign intervention in other countries' affairs, transparency regarding the issue is on the rise. The more we see associations of a particular political bent opposing Kalner's bill, the sharper is our realization that dealing with this problem is both important and inevitable.

A Cruel Choice: Hostages Over Soldiers?

by Emmanuel Shiloh, editor of the Besheva weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

We can no longer avoid the question: How many soldiers is it morally justified to sacrifice for the sake of the hostages?

Just a week ago, five IDF soldiers from the hareidi Netzach Yehuda battalion were killed in a tragic, well-planned terrorist ambush in the Beit Hanoun sector of the Gaza Strip.

Terrorists had mined the area with explosive devices, and then fired not only on the soldiers who entered, but also on a rescue unit that arrived on the scene shortly afterwards. The terrorists reportedly planned to try to kidnap one or more soldiers, as they also tried to do in the case of the bulldozer operator whom they murdered two days later. In neither case did they succeed.

These grave incidents remind us of that Netzach Yehuda exists - a hareidi combat battalion that has been engaged in holy security activity for years, mainly in Judea and Samaria but in this war also in Gaza. It has sometimes also paid a heavy price in wounded and killed. E-l malei rachamim: "G-d, full of mercy, grant a proper rest on the wings of the Shekhinah to those who have fallen for the sanctification of Your name, in the ranks of the pure and heroic holy ones." Such calamities must not bring down our spirits, but they should cause us to examine ourselves and our deeds, and correct our mistakes.

2. 

In recent weeks, a Hasmonean Brigade reserve company has taken up a position on the northern perimeter of the Gaza Strip. Its soldiers are hareidi men with families, who enlisted at a later age and then underwent special training for upgrade to combat roles in the new hareidi brigade.

The personal example that these soldiers set for their brothers in the sector is much more significant than all the attempts to force them to enlist in the army. The hareidi sector is not a uniform bloc; while some believe it is a terrible sin to enlist, many others are attentive to the moral Torah charge to come to the physical aid of their countrymen and take part in this "mitzvah war" that has been forced upon Am Yisrael and Eretz Yisrael.

It will not be easy to change the hard-core that has long held, as far back as 1948, that even during wartime, Torah students should not leave their studies. But even the late Rosh Yeshiva of Ponevezh, Rav Shach, spiritual guide of perhaps the largest hareidi yeshiva sector, said that young hareidim who are not learning, for whatever reason, should enlist in the army. He even said that those who do not do so are considered to be literally "endangering" the bona-fide Torah students – a status with clear Halakhic ramifications. There are thus many thousands of such potential soldiers every year, and they must be the focus of efforts to bring about hareidi enlistment.

Of course, many in the hareidi public justify even the non-studious who avoid conscription, because of the fear that military service will weaken their religious observance and will prejudice their hareidi lifestyle and identity. The more soldiers who enter the army as hareidim and also leave it as hareidim, the more the resistance will dissolve.

On the other hand, forced conscription with sanctions and threats of jail will come at a heavy social cost, causing the hareidi public to close ranks in a fierce struggle against the State. It is almost certain that even if a few thousand conscripts are forced to enlist each year, their motivation and combat quality will not be high. Instead of persecuting those who do not enlist, we would be much better advised to empower and honor those hareidim who answer the call of the hour and enlist.

3.

Not many people suspect that the move to dispatch tens of thousands of draft notices to young hareidim stems from good intentions to strengthen the IDF's combat capabilities or even simply to lighten the load of those currently serving. Rather, the IDF is bowing to the pressures exerted by our Attorney-General Gali Baharav-Miara (her pre-firing hearing is being held as these words are being written); she would contribute much more to national security if she would stop trying to impede, with a variety of poor excuses, the important and even urgent appointment of Gen. David Zini as head of the Shabak.

Another way in which Ms. Bahara-Miara could help would be by removing her "legal" demand to provide "humanitarian" aid to the Hamas terrorists in Gaza. If the Hamas terrorists who find the strength to stand and fight against our soldiers are hungry, unpaid, and unmotivated, this will help our national security a lot more than by forcing some yeshiva boys to fight alongside them.

On the one hand, the hareidi parties are threatening to topple the government if a broad conscription bill is passed – and on the other hand, there are elements seeking to pass precisely that type of bill for precisely that reason: to topple the government. Most of the soldiers fighting in Gaza today and who have sacrificed so much until now would like help in carrying the stretcher – but even more than that, they want the stretcher to reach its destination - namely, full victory. This will not happen if the government falls.

4. 

It is hard not to rise up against the fact that a hornets' nest like Beit Hanoun on the northeastern border of Gaza, which threatens the neighboring kibbutzim as well as the city of Sderot, has not yet been razed to the ground – including the tunnels below it, which are still being used to ambush our soldiers. It is still teeming with terrorists, even though the IDF has been sent to battle them four or five times during the course of this war.

This is the sad result of two grave mistakes. One is the system of quick forays that the previous Chief of Staff enacted, during which our forces would enter the area, hit the terrorists hard, and then leave – enabling Hamas to return, rearm, and booby-trap the area for the next entry of the IDF. This has cost us many soldiers' lives.

The second mistake is one that is close to being made again today: partial hostage deals in which some hostages are freed but many remain in Gazan captivity while the IDF withdraws from areas it captured at great cost. The price is so high that it is doubtful whether even the sacred mission of saving the hostages can justify it.

The truth must be told: We could have long ago won this war and destroyed Hamas if not for the extraordinary caution we take not to endanger the hostages. It is this that renders large areas of Gaza basically immune to Israeli attack, enabling the terrorists there to fortify themselves with practically no Israeli resistance. The IDF also does not avail itself of its massive airpower for the same reason, and instead sends infantry, engineering corps, and armored forces to carry out dangerous and costly missions.

The question must be asked: How many soldiers may be sacrificed in order to save 20 live hostages? Is 40 a justified amount, two for each one? Or maybe 60, three for each one? Or perhaps 100? Why do we seem willing to sacrifice our soldiers for the hostages' sake? Is it because we know the hostages by name, thus rendering their blood redder than soldiers whom we do not (yet) know? The bottom line is that this is a moral injustice vis-à-vis our dedicated soldiers.

This of course must be added to the even greater moral injustice of supplying the enemy with food and more so that they can continue to wage war against us.

Sadly, Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, who was appointed IDF Chief of Staff precisely for the purpose of winning the war, has fallen victim to the powerful "Bring Them Home at any Cost" campaign. He now objects to conquering the Strip, and instead seeks a cave-in hostage deal. The government must obligate him to follow its orders and not show weakness.

5. 

Netanyahu's quest to make another deal of the same type in Washington this week is most regrettable. When the current Gideon's Chariots offensive began a number of weeks ago, we were told that its objective was to defeat Hamas – but we quickly realized that its purpose was simply to pressure Hamas into agreeing to release a few more hostages. Hamas knew the whole time that if the military pressure became a bit unbearable for them, they could easily stop the IDF at any time, and even cause it to withdraw, by simply agreeing to release another few hostages. This is not the way to win, nor even to create a measure of deterrence.

When we set out on this latest offensive, Defense Minister Yisrael Katz vowed that Israel would not withdraw from the areas it would conquer. But it is now clear that in the current talks, Israel insists on remaining only in the Rafah area and a bit north, while agreeing to withdraw from the other areas we conquered at great cost. Did we not learn from our recent withdrawal from the Netzarim Route, through which hundreds of thousands of Gazans quickly returned northward, without even any effective security checks? Wherever we withdraw, the terrorists stream in and place explosives, to be used against our troops at a later date.

The equation that places the safety of the hostages above any other strategic consideration is causing us to lose the war, and thereby even distances the very release of the hostages.

May G-d open our eyes and those of our leaders, and may He save us from the calamitous mistakes that we bring upon ourselves. May He lead us to a victorious conclusion to the war in Gaza, as He did in Lebanon and Iran, Amen.

The author can be reached at eshilo777@gmail.com.