Needed: New, Younger IDF Leadership

by Emanuel Shilo, Editor of Besheva Weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The resignation of Lt.-Gen. Hertzi HaLevi as IDF Chief of Staff was sad but necessary, and must lead to a major change in the very conception of how the IDF is to fight our enemies.

HaLevi's resignation was regrettable because he is a good man, with admirable values, who dedicated his life to Israel's security. Even in the current multi-front war he exhibited great tactical abilities, brought us great achievements, and was party to some very impressive successes.

It was necessary, however – not only because HaLevi led the list of those who were responsible for the worst calamity ever experienced by the State of Israel, but also, and more critically, because he failed to achieve the war objectives in Gaza.

Despite the clear blame that he has now accepted upon himself for Oct. 7^th, he was given another chance, as well as nearly unlimited resources to fight the war against Hamas and win it decisively. His strategy, however, did not lead to the achievement of either of the two main objectives set by the government: destroying Hamas, and freeing the hostages.

Yes, after 15 months of warfare under Lt.-Gen. HaLevi the IDF struck a strong blow at Hamas' military capabilities, liquidated its leaders, dismantled its divisions and brigades, killed tens of thousands of terrorists, and destroyed a tremendous amount of arms, fortifications, and tunnels. But the bottom line is that the failed strategy led by HaLevi enabled Hamas to survive and even recover and partially rebuild itself.

Two main factors enabled Hamas to continue to rule in Gaza. The first was the humanitarian aid to Gaza that was forced upon us by the Biden Administration. Unforgivably, however, we did not prevent Hamas from taking corrupt control of its distribution, thus enabling the terrorists to retain a form of governmental authority as well as great financial resources. The second factor was the lack of an alternative to Hamas. With no one to compete with, even a weakened Hamas was able to remain in power.

These two factors should have been neutralized, via the formation of an Israeli military administration – as governed the Galilee for many years after 1948, and as still governs Judea and Samaria – which would administer/govern the Gaza population, distribute supplies, and prevent the area from falling under Hamas rule. But the Netanyahu government's orders to the IDF to prepare for this was met by foot-dragging by Gen. HaLevy, backed by former Defense Minister Yoav Galant. Despite the uncompromising fighting spirit of the troops and officers in the field, the top security brass did not believe in its ability to overthrow Hamas, opposed a full conquest of the Gaza Strip, and aspired to end the war and secure the hostages' freedom via a humiliating and disastrous deal of surrender.

Another strategic error of HaLevy that cost us many soldiers and wasted much time was his method of repeated incursions. Under this system, we conquered cities and areas in Gaza, destroyed buildings and tunnels, and killed or banished terrorists, and then quickly withdrew – thus allowing the terrorists to regroup and re-arm themselves, causing us to go in yet again and lose soldiers as we conquered them again, etc., etc.

Though this approach had some initial successes, such as in the Shifa Hospital terrorist complex, it quickly proved to be a failure in general – and yet HaLevy's General Staff refused to recognize its mistake. The root of the problem appears to be that the army under Gen. HaLevy is unable to consider actually conquering and controlling Gaza, even for a limited time. If we ever want to renew the fighting and achieve full victory, it can happen only after we stop fearing this idea.

On the political front, the religious-Zionist public can be pleased with the manner in which its two Knesset parties operated during the current hostage-deal crisis. Ben-Gvir's Jewish Strength party resigned from the government, but announced that it would not bring it down and would even leave the door open to return if the warfare is renewed. Smotrich's Religious-Zionism party voted against releasing thousands of terrorists and temporarily ending the war in return for some of the hostages – but took upon itself the complex task of fighting from within to try to ensure that after the first, six-week stage of the deal, the war to destroy Hamas will be renewed.

These two approaches complement each other. If both parties had quit the government, Netanyahu would have had to find partners from the left-center, who would have dictated intolerable terms. And if neither had left the government, Netanyahu would have understood that all is fine and he can go on caving to American pressure. This way, Ben-Gvir wields a stick over the Prime Minister while Smotrich offers him a carrot. Perhaps this integrated approach will produce the desired results.

Prospects Don't Look Good

In truth, of course, at present the prospects for a renewal of the war against murderous and fortified Hamas following the first stage of this deal do not look promising. It will not be easy to overcome the protests of the well-funded Kaplanists who will insist that not even one hostage corpse be left behind. And in general, it will be hard for the nation, and particularly the troops, to resume fighting after so many months of warfare and so many fallen soldiers, and seek to regain what we just recently gave away.

What is needed to overcome these challenges are three things: Strong will on the part of Netanyahu, support from the Trump Administration, and total enlistment, determination and commitment on the part of the right-wing public. We must be willing to take to the streets en-masse and demand that the catastrophe of Oct. 7th finally receive its proper response: the total annihilation of Hamas. We must not allow ourselves to be distracted by other considerations, such as a need to prove that we too want the hostages home or the demand that hareidim enlist in droves. We must be focused on the immediate goals, with confidence that the hostages can be freed by winning the war and that the hareidi/IDF problem will be solved in time. For now, we must concentrate on winning the war and nothing else.

The coming weeks will be very fateful, and will hopefully bring about a revolutionary change in the way the top IDF brass thinks and plans the coming battles. There must be a total switch, with new, younger leadership that strives for victory, not for containment. We pray that we will be able to rise to the greatness of the occasion and pass the tests that stand before us.

Made-in-Jerusalem Decisions, with Help From Washington

by Yisrael Ganz, Head of the Binyamin Regional Council and Chairman of the Yesha Council, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The Trump Era presents great opportunities, but the right decisions have to be made in Jerusalem.

I am writing these words soon after participating in the inauguration of the old-new President of the United States, Donald Trump. One thing must be made clear: The principle address for our demands regarding Israel's requirements is not here in Washington, but in Jerusalem. The Government of Israel is the sovereign leader of the State of Israel, and it is the body responsible for advancing all processes connected with its land and its future.

I was privileged to take part in this important ceremony, in which the new leader of the superpower of the U.S. was crowned, as the representative of all residents of Binyamin and all those of Judea and Samaria (Yesha). The invitation to the United States' most prestigious ceremony reflects the appreciation that senior Trump Administration officials have for Judea and Samaria in particular, and for Israel in general.

It also obligates us to make sure to seize this important opportunity. We must do everything possible to translate their admiration and appreciation into extraordinary achievements that will change and enhance the future of our settlement enterprise and the State of Israel.

It is incumbent upon us to be as relevant as we possibly can so that we can achieve great things under the new circumstances. However, we are not naïve. It is clear that President Trump always has America's best interests in mind, and there is no guarantee that these will always jibe with ours. Our relations with the U.S. will undoubtedly include challenges in important areas. But at the same time, no one can dispute that before us stands a unique opportunity.

Time for Sovereignty in Yesha

Every generation has its historic prospects and challenges. The previous Yesha leaders merited to build communities and to hold fast to the Land. It is now upon our shoulders not only to develop the areas with long-range visions of growth, but also to tie it tightly to the State of Israel with ropes that do not fray. At present, the sovereignty in Yesha belongs to the IDF Civil Administration, and we are a type of foster child of the State. The way to historic justice and to the flowering of Yesha as an integral and important part of Israel is by applying full Israeli sovereignty over the entire homeland region of Judea and Samaria.

We address this demand, first and foremost, to the Government of Israel and its leader, Binyamin Netanyahu. As the man who holds the responsibility for Israel's future and its security, the decision to do so is in his hands.

After having spoken to many senior officials in Washington, I can say with certainty that if our Prime Minister places this matter at the top of his priorities in his meeting with President Trump, the chances are good that within a relatively short time, we will be able to take a great step towards this goal.

Within the Administration, as well as the House of Representatives and the Senate, we saw that there is great potential support for this initiative. As usual, the way to actualize this is by making the right decisions back home in the Jewish State.

Many influential members of Congress see us, the Israelis, as the torch-bearers of the Biblical legacy, and believe that the Holy Land is Divinely ours. Others simply understand who are the good guys in the Middle East, and recognize that we in Yesha and Israel represent the frontlines in the free world's battle against the axis of evil.

Over the past years of contact with several Congressional members, we constantly reminded them of the need to retract the unfair sanctions that the Biden Administration placed upon individuals and organizations in Yesha. These precious friends of ours fulfilled their promises, and within a half-hour of Mr. Trump's taking office, he signed an Executive Order voiding the sanctions. He thus sent an important message regarding the future of Judea and Samaria.

Unlike other mayors and municipal leaders in Israel and around the world, my decisions cannot be made only on the local level. Rather, they are international affairs, and are judged not only by my residents, but also by leaders of world superpowers. When I and my colleagues here try to pave roads, regulate communities, build industrial zones, construct schools, and try to receive our fair share of national budgeting – along come international players with their opinions and guidelines. They happen to know full well what goes on here, and are familiar with even the smallest details. When we see how important steps for the future of our residents were blocked by the Biden team, together with left-wing pro-Palestinian elements, we understand how critical our work is. If we don't show up in these arenas, no one else will do the work in our stead.

And in fact, for very many years, plans for the future of our Biblical homeland in Yesha were made over our heads. The decisions were made behind closed doors, and we weren't there. No more. Today, we are there, and they're talking with us.

Still, however, "our eyes are peeled to Zion," as we sing in HaTikvah, and we know that it is our leaders who have to make the right and bold decisions. Now is the time for us to proudly, with historic justice, regain our sovereignty over Binyamin, Judea and Samaria.