Wanted: A Designer for the Beautiful National Service Garments

by Dr. Sarah Katan, gynecologist, teacher and author, translated by Hillel Fendel.

We are witness today to a small but growing trend in the religious-Zionist public of girls enlisting to serve in the army, and often in combat positions. Perhaps they feel a deep desire to take part in the same mitzvah that their male counterparts are engaged in when they leave the Torah study hall to wage the war of defense of Israel mandated by G-d in His Torah.

When a G-d-fearing young man puts on an IDF uniform for a mission of sanctity, it is like the garments of a Cohen (priest) in the Holy Temple. Is it the same for a young woman?

It would seem not. When a woman puts on male garments, this is a violation of the Torah's commandment not to cross-dress (Deut. 22,5). But does this apply to an IDF uniform?

The IDF khaki has a magic about it that arouses general national pride and nostalgia. From back in the days of the Haganah and Palmach, when women fought shoulder to shoulder with their brothers in arms, they had perfect faith that they were fulfilling a historic mission. The romantic image of a smiling, female warrior with the sun on her face, with a pony tail, light shirt, and a Sten gun flung over her shoulder, is implanted deeply in our national memory. So, too, are exemplary role models such as Chana Senesh (a young Zionist pioneer captured by the Nazis while on an Allied mission) and the many unknown females who guarded their isolated villages under Arab fire, with courage and great dedication. The nostalgic image of a proud woman fighter standing together with the male soldiers became a national symbol.

By Order: No Women in Combat

However, at some point during the War of Independence, after several instances in which the Arabs specifically targeted female fighters, the IDF-in-formation adopted a standing order that women may not be sent into combat. This order was preserved for decades – up to the "victory of progress" in our generation.

When we peel away the layer of glory of military service, a complex reality is unveiled, one that must be studied calmly and professionally. Let me introduce you to Dana, a young female combat soldier whom I met in my clinic, after she had undergone four orthopedic operations for ligament tears in her knees and ankles. With tired eyes she told me how she had dreamt of being a combat soldier, and then how the dream collapsed around her: "I couldn't get myself up out of bed in the mornings, but I kept on pushing myself – until my body left me with no choice but to stop."

As a women's doctor who has accompanied many young girls, my professional opinion is this: Combat duty is not good for women. A woman's body is made, first and foremost, for pregnancy and birth, and is certainly not built for loads and strains, as is a man's body. Her pelvis is wider, the angle of the knees is sharper, and the proportion between her muscle mass and fat mass is different. A woman's muscle mass, on the average, is some 30% lower than that of a man of enlistment age. These and other factors render the woman's mobility vulnerable to damage when under high pressure and continued load-bearing efforts. Women tend to suffer more knee ligament tears, stress fractures in the tibia (shin bones), and pains in the hip joint caused by accelerated cartilage degeneration.

And if all that is not enough, bone mass is relatively low in women aged 18-21, which can contribute to compression fractures in the spinal vertebrae. Her hormonal system is much more vulnerable to physical and mental fatigue, and sometimes also mood swings due to stress and extreme efforts. The situation not only reduces quality of life, but also risks long-term health risks; future bone mass density is harmed, increasing the risk of osteoporosis.

The Ladder Aside the Wall

In addition, women's muscles and tendons do not react as men's do to intensive physical training. Heavy loads and the like contribute to a high propensity to chronic tendon infections, shoulder tears, and ongoing lower back pain. IDF studies have shown that women require medical evacuation at twice the rate of men during infantry training courses. This must give us pause. In recent years, more cases of injuries in the pelvic area have been documented for female soldiers, starting with bruises to the pelvic bones because of falls, and ending with injuries to the pelvic floor that are liable to lead impaired quality of life. Carrying heavy equipment, long runs, and repeated falls are all liable to cause future damage to these women.

Even young women who ostensibly meet the same physical requirements as men, in actuality don't fill them. The army actually bends its own rules in order to show results that will fit the progressives' needs. Remember the small ladder that was placed against the wall so that the girls could climb over it just like the boys? Incredibly, the officers in charge of that training exercise actually thought it was a good idea to make believe that the females had passed the test. By what right does the IDF promote moves that endanger the quality of combat?

Our female high school graduates must know and internalize: National Service – in hospitals, schools, communities, and the like – is not a lesser form of helping our country than is military service. National Service, called Sherut Leumi, provides a framework in which young women can contribute and assume responsibility to a high degree, without dangers of physiological harm.

And all this is without reference to the spiritual and Halakhic problems females face when serving the armed forces, from which they are largely saved in the various National Service frameworks.

In my opinion, the girls must be enabled and encouraged to make an intelligent choice, based on medical and other information. They must not be fooled into thinking that serving in the army will provide them with absolute equality. True equality, rather, is when each girl is given the opportunity to know and to choose.

Not to mention: Do we really want to be "equal?" Men and women are different in their very essence – and this is a good thing.

My heart skips a beat when I see you, soldier of Israel, adorned with a long beard and sidecurls, dressed in an IDF uniform, with a countenance of grace. It brings to mind the Yom Kippur prayer, "Truly how wondrous was the look of the High Priest when he emerged from the Holy of Holies after having atone for Israel." I'm now busy looking for a talented dress designer to fashion garments for the wife of the High Priest, for the girls of the National Service.

Unwanted Foreign Funding

Adapted from an article in Besheva magazine by Nitzan Kedar, journalist and author, translated by Hillel Fendel.

A Congressional inquiry is underway into U.S. financial intervention in Israel's affairs and attempts to sway it leftwards. Both the U.S. and Israel Tell Sources, "Mind Your Own Business!"

During the seemingly long-ago era before the infamous October 7^th and the ensuing war in Gaza, one of the issues that the Israeli nationalist camp was focused on was that of foreign funding for the left-wing anti-judicial reform protests. Some claimed that various foreign entities were involved in fueling the anti-government unrest, while many dismissed these claims as fake news.

It now turns out that the smoke in this case seems to have signaled a bona-fide fire – and the U.S. Congress is taking action. Various steps are being taken in both Israel and the United States both to prove that this funding happened - directed against the sitting Israeli government and against objectives that Israel seeks to advance - and also to cut off significant portions of it.

American Money for Intervention in Israel

In recent months, with relatively sparse media coverage, a Congressional investigation into these monies has been underway, spearheaded by Representatives Jim Jordan and Brian Mast. As of now, the relevant committee (actually, two committees working as one) has revealed that the Biden Administration provided grant funds to groups that contributed, directly and indirectly, to the widespread protests in the year before the war, and at other times, that sought to undermine the Israeli government. In addition, according to the committee, documents obtained during this investigation suggest that the Biden-Harris Administration funded groups with ties to U.S.-designated terrorist organizations.

In March of this year, the Congressional committee sent letters to six U.S. and Israeli non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to request documents related to any grants, cooperative agreements, or other awards received from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) or the State Department. The NGOs are: Blue White Future, Movement for Quality Government in Israel, Middle East Peace Dialogue Network, Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, PEF Israel Endowment Funds, and Jewish Communal Fund.

Almost all of them are associated with left-wing, liberal, and/or progressive causes, such as the two-state solution and opposition to the Netanyahu government, although the last two are merely "donor-advised" conduits for various causes, including many associated with the left-wing camp.

As many members of Congress allege, U.S. government funding of these groups is most certainly an acute case of official meddling in internal Israeli affairs. The legislators are greatly concerned, mainly because, as they say, American taxpayers want to see their money being used for their own affairs and not those of other countries.

The committee sent letters last month to some of the above NGO's, alleging that Blue White Future received some $18 million from the PEF Israel Endowment Funds as well as approximately $4 million from the Middle East Peace Dialogue Network. The Congressmen maintain that though the organization denied receiving direct funding from the U.S. government, it did not provide documents proving the nature of the funding from third-party funds.

The Jordan-Mast Congressional committee also demanded that The Abraham Initiatives – a Jewish/Arab Israeli organization that says it seeks to "guarantee and protect the full citizenship and equal rights of its Palestinian citizens," and wants Israel to "exist peacefully alongside an independent, sovereign Palestinian state" – reveal information on grants it received from the Administration, including $375,000 from the State Department in 2021.  The Abraham Initiatives was also asked to detail its connections with Blue White Future, the New Israel Fund, and others. Tides Network, another left-leaning donor-advised fund, was similarly asked to explain a $25 million grant it received from USAID.

Jordan and Mast spelled out their accusations clearly: The Biden Administration gave money with the purpose of "trying to undermine the democratic government of Israel." They noted that "the use of federal grants in this way not only endangers the relationship between the United States and one of its closest allies, but also undermines basic civil liberties." This could even constitute a criminal offense, they said, and requested the organizations’ cooperation for an official investigation.

A main player in the investigation is USAID – a U.S. government body alleged to have transferred millions of dollars to organizations connected with terrorist orgs and anti-Semitic groups. This is largely why the Trump Administration recently took significant actions to dismantle it, effectively halting its operations. On his first day in office, President Trump signed an executive order freezing nearly all U.S. foreign aid for a 90-day review, and it was announced soon afterwards that the lion's share of USAID’s global staff would be placed on administrative leave or terminated.

A Legislative Bill in Israel

Similar efforts to stop foreign intervention in Israel are being taken in Israel itself. Likud MK Ariel Kalner is sponsoring a bill to levy an 80% tax on donations from foreign countries to Israeli associations and organizations. The law would also forbid Israeli courts from hearing suits brought by associations funded mostly by foreign countries. (Both of these rules will not apply if the funded org is also supported by Israel.) The Finance Minister and Knesset Finance Committee, according to the proposed bill, will have the joint right to exempt the 80% tax if "special" conditions apply.

MK Kalner explained: "The bill is intended to completely dismantle organizations that violate laws, such as the law against BDE, or that call for disobedience to IDF orders… But we have no issue with [countries] that fund organizations dealing with their culture or aid to Holocaust survivors. It's organizations that file petitions in courts, create protests, or lobby for political causes that are problematic. Therefore, any organization receiving foreign funding will have to declare that it is not using that money for anti-Israel activities."

Kalner says the problem has long been very extensive: "Since 2012, more than a billion shekels have been funneled to associations that advanced political agendas in Israel, creating the idea of 'settler violence,' calling for sanctions against residents of Judea and Samaria, and promoting the two-state solution. Even the campaign that seeks to emphasize supposed 'religious coercion' in Israeli society was funded, according to our understanding, by the German government."

Incredibly, Kalner notes, "Israel's Supreme Court has been flooded with some 1,000 petitions over the past eight years on these types of issues. It is mind-boggling that these organizations continue to function here with foreign funding, especially, as we recently saw, regarding the protests against the judicial reform and, consequently, against the duly-elected government of Israel. This is why this bill is genuinely part of our ongoing struggle for independence; it seeks to preserve the sovereignty of the State of Israel."

Asked whether the Biden Administration had attempted to block the bill from being passed, Kalner answered in the affirmative: "This happened when I first raised it, in May 2023. The Americans, together with European countries, pressured strongly against it. This is why I raised it against immediately after Trump took office this year, with the understanding that in the U.S. they also are trying to counter this trend."

"The associations are also very much against this bill," Kalner said. "This is a problem that not only we are suffering from; I heard from officials in Hungary and Slovakia that foreign countries are trying to meddle in their internal affairs as well."

With both the U.S. and Israel working to stop the worrisome trend of foreign intervention in other countries' affairs, transparency regarding the issue is on the rise. The more we see associations of a particular political bent opposing Kalner's bill, the sharper is our realization that dealing with this problem is both important and inevitable.

A Cruel Choice: Hostages Over Soldiers?

by Emmanuel Shiloh, editor of the Besheva weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

We can no longer avoid the question: How many soldiers is it morally justified to sacrifice for the sake of the hostages?

Just a week ago, five IDF soldiers from the hareidi Netzach Yehuda battalion were killed in a tragic, well-planned terrorist ambush in the Beit Hanoun sector of the Gaza Strip.

Terrorists had mined the area with explosive devices, and then fired not only on the soldiers who entered, but also on a rescue unit that arrived on the scene shortly afterwards. The terrorists reportedly planned to try to kidnap one or more soldiers, as they also tried to do in the case of the bulldozer operator whom they murdered two days later. In neither case did they succeed.

These grave incidents remind us of that Netzach Yehuda exists - a hareidi combat battalion that has been engaged in holy security activity for years, mainly in Judea and Samaria but in this war also in Gaza. It has sometimes also paid a heavy price in wounded and killed. E-l malei rachamim: "G-d, full of mercy, grant a proper rest on the wings of the Shekhinah to those who have fallen for the sanctification of Your name, in the ranks of the pure and heroic holy ones." Such calamities must not bring down our spirits, but they should cause us to examine ourselves and our deeds, and correct our mistakes.

2. 

In recent weeks, a Hasmonean Brigade reserve company has taken up a position on the northern perimeter of the Gaza Strip. Its soldiers are hareidi men with families, who enlisted at a later age and then underwent special training for upgrade to combat roles in the new hareidi brigade.

The personal example that these soldiers set for their brothers in the sector is much more significant than all the attempts to force them to enlist in the army. The hareidi sector is not a uniform bloc; while some believe it is a terrible sin to enlist, many others are attentive to the moral Torah charge to come to the physical aid of their countrymen and take part in this "mitzvah war" that has been forced upon Am Yisrael and Eretz Yisrael.

It will not be easy to change the hard-core that has long held, as far back as 1948, that even during wartime, Torah students should not leave their studies. But even the late Rosh Yeshiva of Ponevezh, Rav Shach, spiritual guide of perhaps the largest hareidi yeshiva sector, said that young hareidim who are not learning, for whatever reason, should enlist in the army. He even said that those who do not do so are considered to be literally "endangering" the bona-fide Torah students – a status with clear Halakhic ramifications. There are thus many thousands of such potential soldiers every year, and they must be the focus of efforts to bring about hareidi enlistment.

Of course, many in the hareidi public justify even the non-studious who avoid conscription, because of the fear that military service will weaken their religious observance and will prejudice their hareidi lifestyle and identity. The more soldiers who enter the army as hareidim and also leave it as hareidim, the more the resistance will dissolve.

On the other hand, forced conscription with sanctions and threats of jail will come at a heavy social cost, causing the hareidi public to close ranks in a fierce struggle against the State. It is almost certain that even if a few thousand conscripts are forced to enlist each year, their motivation and combat quality will not be high. Instead of persecuting those who do not enlist, we would be much better advised to empower and honor those hareidim who answer the call of the hour and enlist.

3.

Not many people suspect that the move to dispatch tens of thousands of draft notices to young hareidim stems from good intentions to strengthen the IDF's combat capabilities or even simply to lighten the load of those currently serving. Rather, the IDF is bowing to the pressures exerted by our Attorney-General Gali Baharav-Miara (her pre-firing hearing is being held as these words are being written); she would contribute much more to national security if she would stop trying to impede, with a variety of poor excuses, the important and even urgent appointment of Gen. David Zini as head of the Shabak.

Another way in which Ms. Bahara-Miara could help would be by removing her "legal" demand to provide "humanitarian" aid to the Hamas terrorists in Gaza. If the Hamas terrorists who find the strength to stand and fight against our soldiers are hungry, unpaid, and unmotivated, this will help our national security a lot more than by forcing some yeshiva boys to fight alongside them.

On the one hand, the hareidi parties are threatening to topple the government if a broad conscription bill is passed – and on the other hand, there are elements seeking to pass precisely that type of bill for precisely that reason: to topple the government. Most of the soldiers fighting in Gaza today and who have sacrificed so much until now would like help in carrying the stretcher – but even more than that, they want the stretcher to reach its destination - namely, full victory. This will not happen if the government falls.

4. 

It is hard not to rise up against the fact that a hornets' nest like Beit Hanoun on the northeastern border of Gaza, which threatens the neighboring kibbutzim as well as the city of Sderot, has not yet been razed to the ground – including the tunnels below it, which are still being used to ambush our soldiers. It is still teeming with terrorists, even though the IDF has been sent to battle them four or five times during the course of this war.

This is the sad result of two grave mistakes. One is the system of quick forays that the previous Chief of Staff enacted, during which our forces would enter the area, hit the terrorists hard, and then leave – enabling Hamas to return, rearm, and booby-trap the area for the next entry of the IDF. This has cost us many soldiers' lives.

The second mistake is one that is close to being made again today: partial hostage deals in which some hostages are freed but many remain in Gazan captivity while the IDF withdraws from areas it captured at great cost. The price is so high that it is doubtful whether even the sacred mission of saving the hostages can justify it.

The truth must be told: We could have long ago won this war and destroyed Hamas if not for the extraordinary caution we take not to endanger the hostages. It is this that renders large areas of Gaza basically immune to Israeli attack, enabling the terrorists there to fortify themselves with practically no Israeli resistance. The IDF also does not avail itself of its massive airpower for the same reason, and instead sends infantry, engineering corps, and armored forces to carry out dangerous and costly missions.

The question must be asked: How many soldiers may be sacrificed in order to save 20 live hostages? Is 40 a justified amount, two for each one? Or maybe 60, three for each one? Or perhaps 100? Why do we seem willing to sacrifice our soldiers for the hostages' sake? Is it because we know the hostages by name, thus rendering their blood redder than soldiers whom we do not (yet) know? The bottom line is that this is a moral injustice vis-à-vis our dedicated soldiers.

This of course must be added to the even greater moral injustice of supplying the enemy with food and more so that they can continue to wage war against us.

Sadly, Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, who was appointed IDF Chief of Staff precisely for the purpose of winning the war, has fallen victim to the powerful "Bring Them Home at any Cost" campaign. He now objects to conquering the Strip, and instead seeks a cave-in hostage deal. The government must obligate him to follow its orders and not show weakness.

5. 

Netanyahu's quest to make another deal of the same type in Washington this week is most regrettable. When the current Gideon's Chariots offensive began a number of weeks ago, we were told that its objective was to defeat Hamas – but we quickly realized that its purpose was simply to pressure Hamas into agreeing to release a few more hostages. Hamas knew the whole time that if the military pressure became a bit unbearable for them, they could easily stop the IDF at any time, and even cause it to withdraw, by simply agreeing to release another few hostages. This is not the way to win, nor even to create a measure of deterrence.

When we set out on this latest offensive, Defense Minister Yisrael Katz vowed that Israel would not withdraw from the areas it would conquer. But it is now clear that in the current talks, Israel insists on remaining only in the Rafah area and a bit north, while agreeing to withdraw from the other areas we conquered at great cost. Did we not learn from our recent withdrawal from the Netzarim Route, through which hundreds of thousands of Gazans quickly returned northward, without even any effective security checks? Wherever we withdraw, the terrorists stream in and place explosives, to be used against our troops at a later date.

The equation that places the safety of the hostages above any other strategic consideration is causing us to lose the war, and thereby even distances the very release of the hostages.

May G-d open our eyes and those of our leaders, and may He save us from the calamitous mistakes that we bring upon ourselves. May He lead us to a victorious conclusion to the war in Gaza, as He did in Lebanon and Iran, Amen.

The author can be reached at eshilo777@gmail.com.

Three Words to Victory: Conquest, Emigration, Settlement

by Moshe Feiglin, former Knesset Member and chairman of the Zehut (Identity) party, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The ceasefire in Gaza, if it comes about, is a losing proposition for Israel. Victory is attainable, however, with a simple acceptance and declaration of the truth.

On the night the ceasefire with Iran took effect, June 24, we lost seven of our sons in Gaza, and another nine in the two weeks-plus since then. The same country, the same IDF, the same defense establishment – which just days ago operated deep inside Iran so tremendously successfully against a distant and powerful enemy – has struggled for nearly two years now to defeat Hamas on the border. Why?

Because in Iran we fought for security; in Gaza, we are engaged in evading justice.

What's the difference?

In Iran, there’s no debate: The enemy regime openly declares its desire to destroy us. This is no “territorial dispute,” just a purely existential threat. Even on the far left in Israel, no one comes to Iran's defense. And so the operation was sharp, swift, and clean: the wings of the planes bore no ethical weights, and no officers worried about having to choose between striking the targets or facing indictments in The Hague. We set out to defend our lives - and we won.

In Gaza, the story is the opposite.

On the soil of the Land of Israel – on the coast of the western Negev – the campaign, once straightforward and morally clear, has become murky. This is because the issue has become not only one of security, but also of justice: Whose land is it? Are we allowed to say clearly out loud that Gaza is ours? As long as that question remains unanswered, the war will not end. One who is unsure of his ownership of the land will never be able to control it.

The Source of the Problem

The infrastructure for the terror state in Gaza was established when we experienced a moral crisis – i.e., when we lost our confidence in the justness of our path. It wasn't the Iranians who supplied Gaza with weapons; it was we who deposited the Gaza Strip into the hands of a terrorist organization, via the Oslo Accords and with the Disengagement [unilateral withdrawal from Gaza in 2005]. We wanted to put the problem to bed by distancing ourselves from it – but we received, instead, a center of jihad. A problem that is not solved with justice, returns in blood.
Conquest, Emigration, Settlement – three words that will once again bring victory to our nation. 

The Public Knows: It's Time to Win

Most of the nationalist camp in Israel doesn't necessarily dream of ideological settlement in Gaza; they simply want security. But such security will not happen without a clear victory, which means telling the bitter truth: "Hamas will not be defeated as long as it draws legitimacy from the international community's stance that the land belongs to the Palestinians." As such, the war in Gaza is being run not only with weapons and bombs.

If we want to win, we must take three essential steps: Conquest, deportation/emigration, settlement.

We must begin by conquering Gaza. There can be no sovereignty without control on the ground. Gaza must be under complete Israeli control, without "forays" and "sterile areas" and the like.

We must then deport our enemies, those who dispatch the terrorists, those who incite, those who organized and murdered and raped on Oct. 7^th. This is a defensive and necessary defensive step. The others should be encouraged to emigrate, in the spirit of Trump's plan.

Finally, we must settle Gaza with vibrant, loving, Jewish communities. This must be our mission, our return to roots. Settling the land is not just an adornment or a decoration; it is our declaration: This is Our Land.

But what about Trump, you ask?

His proposal to deport the Gazans and turn the Strip into a “Riviera” reflects a global disgust with Hamas, but does not solve the problem for the long term – neither in Gaza nor in Judea and Samaria.

If we continue to deny our connection to the Gaza Strip, as well as the fact that it and everywhere else in the Land of Israel are all part of our national identity – there will be others who will come and “solve the problem” in their own way, and not necessarily in line with our interests.

Whenever the State of Israel continues to evade the issue, apologize, and deny the truth of its historic connection with the Land, and as long as it does not define for itself its political vision (which should be self-evident) - our enemies will see our weakness, and will even interpret it as a form of consent to future territorial concessions.

The real battle now is not just over Gaza – but over the future of the entire State of Israel.

We must say openly and clearly, "Gaza is Ours. This is Our Land." The moment we do so, all the gates will be opened, the path forward will be paved, the campaign will be decided – and the cycle of death will be ended, and security will of course be restored.

An Ongoing Absurdity: Netanyahu's Trial in the Shadow of War

by Attorney Yitzhak Lax, member of the Israeli Bar Association, translated by Hillel Fendel.

How is it possible that while our blood is still being spilled in the alleys of Gaza, the trial of Prime Minister Netanyahu continues in the Jerusalem District Court as if nothing else was happening?

Israeli in the summer of 2025 is undergoing a complex and painful reality, fraught with existential challenges. The Iron Swords war in Gaza, newly named Gideon's Chariots, continues – some would say, limps along – while our hostages are still barely surviving in Gaza tunnels, the northern front burns despite the conclusion of the brilliant Rising Lion offensive against Iran, and Israeli society is once again divided and bleeding.

Yet, despite and amidst all this national chaos, while soldiers continue to fall at the hands of Hamas terrorists in Gaza, the trial of Prime Minister Netanyahu continues in the Jerusalem District Court. The obvious question that cries out to the heavens is: For how long will we continue to allow this absurdity to go on?!

That "all are equal before the law" is a clear and fundamental principle in democracy, and its importance cannot be underestimated. But there is still a fine line between upholding important principles and not seeing reality. For all his weaknesses and limitations, Netanyahu is the prime minister of the State of Israel, at the center of making the most fateful decisions in the history of the country. Leading a multi-front war, he is the one who heads and directs the diplomatic effort vis-à-vis the US and the world, the one responsible for waging the war, and the one whose critical job it is to lead Israel through the stormy sea of ​​security and political threats. To demand that he sit in a courtroom for days and weeks on end to be cross-examined about events that took place years ago, about champagne, cigars, and a Bugs Bunny doll, when Israel is waging a war of survival outside - this is a criminal disregard for reality.

This is no small matter. At stake are human lives, the security of an entire country, and the future of Israeli society. Every minute of time, every hour of thought, and every mental effort of the prime minister must be devoted only to these burning matters.

With the citizens of Israel facing an ongoing, permanent threat, and with the IDF fighting on so many fronts, our leadership must be totally focused and clear, with no distractions. Can Mr. Netanyahu be expected to focus on running the various military wars and fronts while simultaneously being challenged to remember various trivial details from years ago (some from as long ago as 2004)? The answer is clearly: No.

And yet behold, precisely during these emergency times, when common sense and simple logic dictate that all activity that is not essential for national survival should be suspended, the prosecution insists on going ahead with the trial with blood-curdling indifference. Its refusal to agree to a mere two-week delay, when the trial has already been ongoing for five years and is expected to continue for many more, was nothing short of evil. What unbearable legal drama would occur if the hearings were postponed by two weeks? Would the judicial system collapse? Would justice be irreversibly corrupted?

Again, clearly not. A short delay for emergency reasons is something that should occur automatically; what discussion is even necessary? The stubborn insistence by the prosecution - and by the court itself, which in the end agreed to suspend the trial by only one week - is testimony not only to shocking insensitivity, but also to total misunderstanding on our national priorities. It sometimes appears that the law enforcement network sees itself as an objective in and of itself, detached from all context, and focused on procedure at the expense of the essence.

And herein lies the heart of the absurdity: The judicial system, which is supposed to be serving the public and protecting its security and welfare, is actually acting in a way that appears to be endangering it. It ties the Prime Minister's hands during an absolutely most critical period, occupying him with technical and questionable legal matters while our enemies watch and wait to pounce.

Did we really have to reach the point where U.S. President Trump expresses amazed consternation at the ridiculousness of Netanyahu, with whom he talks every day these days, having to work his schedule around two days a week of court hearings and cross-examinations?

Could anyone possibly imagine Winston Churchill be placed on trial in the midst of the months of the Nazi Blitz of London at the beginning of World War II? Or Abraham Lincoln being tried on technical matters while the American Civil War raged on? The comparisons might seem exaggerated, but they actually are not, and they typify the incredible lack of proportions taking place here and now.

The trial itself long ago became a political tool and a source of divisiveness within Israeli society. It eggs on the fringes, heightens the hatred, and distracts our attention from the matters that are truly important. Is there any justification to continue holding the trial while Israel fights for its life? Hasn't the time come to show national responsibility, to put aside these political disputes, and to understand that there are more urgent matters than a criminal trial, even one without as many question marks around it as this one has?

The prosecution and the courts must stop shooting itself, and us, in the foot. They are weakening the Prime Minister and impairing his ability to function – and are also giving over a mistaken message to the Israeli public, as if the people in leadership are totally detached and oblivious to what is going on around them.

Israel is at a historic crossroads. Our future depends on our ability to unite, focus on the war effort, and act in a way that guarantees our security and existence. To continue to conduct Netanyahu’s trial, especially in light of the absurd refusal to agree to a short, two-week delay, constitutes yet another obstacle on the path to achieving that guarantee. The time has come for sensible reason and national responsibility to prevail over bureaucratic rigidity and ignoring of reality. The future of the state is more important than any legal proceeding – especially one that can wait.

From a Military Blow to Historic Opportunity: Israel, the U.S., and the Future of the Middle East

by Harley Lippman, AIPAC Executive Committee Member, Middle East Forum Executive Committee Member, translated by Hillel Fendel.

[written just before the announcement of a ceasefire in Iran]

The joint bombing of the Iranian nuclear project is much more than a military achievement. Beginning with the Israeli decision to launch the offensive, and up to the arrival of the heavy U.S. B-2 bombers, it exemplifies the strength of the alliance between Jerusalem and Washington.

However, beyond the military aspects of these attacks, we must know that the opportunity has now arisen for the shaping anew of the map of regional alliances. Ever since the Camp David Accords of 1979, and up until the Abraham Accords of 2020 under the first Trump presidency, the United States has filled a central role in normalizing relations between Israel and the Arab world.

This is a rare, historic moment of clarity and opportunity. With correct coordination between Israel and the United States, the entire region can be reshaped, belligerence can be braked, alliances can be shored up, and the vision of "peace through strength" can become reality. Now is the time for courageous leadership that can turn a strategic alliance into ongoing peace. 

This is a partnership that has been built up over decades of cooperation, both secret and open. It has withstood difficult tests, during both Democratic and Republican administrations, including public differences of opinions as to the best way to deal with the Iranian nuclear program.

Last week, when the attacks against Iran were exclusively Israeli, the American presence behind the scenes was unmistakably strong.

Israel's opening strike - early Friday morning in Israel and Iran, June 13 - and the hundreds of sorties and operations since then, were part of an unprecedentedly complex operation, involving hundreds of stages and the coordination of intelligence gathering, surgical strikes, the use of advanced weapons, and much more. Even though Israel acted alone for the first nine days, many of the capabilities used were built thanks to the ongoing partnership with the United States. In addition, and more openly, the defense effort was integrated; tens of percent of the missile interceptions were carried out by American forces stationed in the region.

Very soon after Israel sent its first 200 combat jets to open Operation Rising Lion, U.S. President Donald Trump and his top brass lavishly praised the attack. Secretary of State Rubio emphasized, however, that the decision to attack was Israel's alone, and made clear that the U.S. is committed to regional security and, of course, the safety of its personnel in the Middle East.

This mutual cooperation – a joint strategic vision with freedom of tactical action for Israel – is the fruit of decades of political, security, and intelligence trust-building between the partners. For both of them it was clear: Iran will not be allowed to have nuclear weapons, nor to continue to operate its terrorism proxies in the Middle East.

Nine days after the onset of Israel's offensive, early Sunday morning, June 22, Trump sent his B-2 stealth bombers to Iran, with bunker-busters the likes of which no other army in the world possesses. This was the first time they were used in a combat mission, and they in fact inflicted a painful blow on the most protected underground nuclear sites of the Iranian terrorist regime. It is of course too early to tell precisely how painful was this blow and for how many years it will set back Iran's nuclear program.

Redrawing the Middle East

For the past two decades, pragmatic Arab countries cooperated with Israel far from prying public eyes, identifying Iran as a mutual enemy. This was, in fact, the basis on which were built the Abraham Accords. But many other Arab states, headed by Saudi Arabia, did not join the wave. Now, given the weakened state of the Iranian terror proxies Hizbullah, the Houthis, and the Iraqi militias, and when Hizbullah is actually even signaling some restraint, Israel's ability to operate freely within the heart of Tehran has not gone unnoticed by these countries. The rare documentation of Mossad agents on Tehran soil putting together some kind of offensive device caused a stir in Israel, but it made an even larger impression on decision-makers in other Middle Eastern countries.

In a Middle East where strength and power create a country's status and standing, Israel's Operation Rising Lion has strengthened its position as a trustworthy and serious security partner. If President Trump – who just a few weeks ago paid a very successful visit to the Gulf states – will know how to translate the military achievements of the past few days into real diplomatic progress via intelligence cooperation and mutual security initiatives, a new wave of normalization agreements is very much in sight – but this time, not based just on economic interests, but also on a meaningful security alliance as well.

Will the Government Fall This Week Because of the Threat to Draft Hareidim?

by Hillel Fendel, editor, author and translator.

With all the various crises of varying degrees of importance taking place in the world today –Russia/Ukraine, riots in LA, Israel's naval attack on Yemen, even Trump/Musk – there is one that is liable to have critically negative effects on the future of the State of Israel, militarily, sociologically, and religiously. I am referring to the threats by the hareidi parties to either quit the government coalition headed by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, or to bring about the dissolution of the Knesset – and thus, either way, bring about new elections.

The issue for them is the ongoing steps being taken by the courts and the IDF towards a wholescale draft of every last yeshiva student. The hareidi parties therefore demand clear legislation that will regulate how many actually have to be drafted and what sanctions – the lighter, the better – will be emplaced upon those who refuse. If a formulation is not found by this week, they say, they will either quit the coalition, or vote no-confidence in the government. Both, as stated, will lead to the same tragic result.

Whether the government falls via the first route, which would be quicker and more abrupt, or by the second, which could take weeks if not months, the cataclysmic effects could be very similar: Total government paralysis, meaning an end to the war in Gaza with our arch-enemy Hamas still in power and the hostages still under its torturous control, and an ensuing election victory for the center-left. [The only major arena which might not be affected, ironically, might be the Iranian; as Minister Amichai Eliyahu said today, "An attack in Iran is closer than new elections."]

Even if in the short term the new government comes towards the hareidim in terms of the draft, it will most certainly have an anti-religious and anti-nationalist bent, seeking to render the State of Israel just another modern, non-traditional, secular country.

Given the determination of the hareidi parties to bring down the government unless their basic position is accepted – or unless they wake up to their responsibility towards the entire country beyond the undeniable importance of their Torah study – the keys appear to be in the hands of Knesset Defense Committee Chairman Yuli Edelstein of the Likud. He is essentially on the side of those who favor coercive measures to draft hareidim, and so far has insisted on severe sanctions for those who do not answer the call.

Another major issue of contention is whether a quota of Torah scholars will be required to enlist, or rather just a percentage of all the draft-age hareidim in general. The hareidi parties demand the latter, of course, and Edelstein has reportedly already agreed. However, at the same time, the Attorney-General's office has already intimated that it would consider such an agreement to be unlawful.

The longed-for compromise will be achieved only if both of the battling coalition partners – the Likud, currently represented by Edelstein, and the hareidim – realize the magnitude of what is at stake, and show both responsibility and flexibility. Assuming that Edelstein has done so with the above quota compromise, the hareidim would do well to find the way to agree among themselves – this is not guaranteed… – how those who are not studying Torah would be drafted.

As Besheva editor Emanuel Shilo has written, "The hareidim must show good will and readiness to share the security burden, at least in terms of the young men who are not really studying Torah with great zeal, of which there are thousands. The army would be smart to establish appropriate frameworks for their military service, which would even strengthen their hareidi identity." Others say that such frameworks already exist, such as the Netzach Yehuda units – which include two years of active service and then a year of professional or matriculation studies.

And where does the religious-Zionist public - whose sons have borne the brunt of the casualties, proportionately, in the current war - fit in? Voices have been heard on both sides, from those who wish to support Torah study in the State of Israel, to those who wish to see the hareidi public be drafted just as other Israelis. Again, to quote Shilo:

"The religious-Zionist must correctly formulate its priorities. There are those who are acting with political motivations and are interested in toppling the government above all. But those who truly wish to see justice done and have the military burden shared more equally must ask themselves if that goal is more important than actual military victory – which would basically be unachievable if the Knesset is dissolved and new elections are called. After having paid so many heavy prices during this war, we must realize that ending the war with Hamas still standing will be many times worse than having some more patience with the hareidi public as it figures out and becomes accustomed to its place in sharing in the war effort."

With the final deadline apparently arriving this Wednesday, Besheva and Kan 11 columnist Zev Kam writes that we essentially gained a week, due to the sleepiness of the opposition in the Knesset:

"If the opposition had been on the ball last week, it would have succeeded already then in passing a preliminary reading of the bill to dissolve the Knesset. Coalition chairman MK Ophir Katz (Likud) was walking around the Knesset last Tuesday with one fear: that the opposition would suddenly bring up for a vote one of its proposals of no-confidence in the government. For if so, it would have passed. This is because the hareidim had already agreed among themselves not to vote against it, and some of them would even have voted in favor. But the opposition had no clue that the hareidim had reached that point – and when it finally found out, it was too late."

[Keep in mind that no-confidence motions can only be proposed on Wednesdays, and they must have been tabled the previous Tuesday afternoon.]

We can only hope that by the time these words are read, an agreed-upon solution has been found, and Israel can continue to battle its many external enemies without bickering within.

From Paris Shall Come Forth Sovereignty [in Yesha]

by Zev Kam, Kan Israel correspondent and Besheva columnist, translated by Hillel Fendel.

It could very well be that President Macron's obsession with a Palestinian state will be the trigger that could bring about Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria.

The countries of Europe granted the State of Israel very few days of grace after the slaughter of Simchat Torah (Oct. 7^th). It was only during the first days, when Israel was really on its knees, battered and broken, that the Europeans were willing to support us. Within a short time, however, with Israel in the midst of bitter, existential battles in Gaza, the same old vile calls began to be heard – about the disproportionate nature of our response, about our obligation to enable our mortal enemies to receive humanitarian aid (including, of course, much non-humanitarian aid], and about the need to end the war, no matter what the future cost to us might be.

Countries such as Spain, France, England and others began speaking of Israel in terms until then reserved only for their biggest enemy: Russia. They declared that they would impose sanctions, they threatened to unilaterally recognize a state of Palestine, and of course they accused us of genocide and other war crimes. If in Israel there remained a small minority of people whose opinions about peace with the Arabs did not change after Oct. 7^th, in many parts of Europe the reaction to Oct. 7^th was even worse: Many began to take a strong stance against Israel! They managed to find a way to blame Israel even for being slaughtered and for everything that followed, with no need for evidence or proof and relying only on the barefaced lies of Hamas.

Yet from bitter adversity often comes blessing. The hatred directed at us has actually led to the reopening of a very blessed and surprising development: the matter of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria.

First of all, the arrival of U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee has signaled a welcome change in the US approach to Yesha. If in the past, the State Department forbade its envoys to Israel from setting foot in Yesha, and if even former Ambassador David Friedman had to pay condolence calls to Yesha families not in his official capacity but only as a private person – Huckabee is taking precisely the opposite approach. One of his official welcoming ceremonies took place in none other than ancient Shilo in the Binyamin region of Samaria – one of the sites that express most strongly the Biblical ties between the Jewish People and the Land of Israel.

One would have thought, then, that Israel would have been by now well on its way, with American support, to declaring its sovereignty in Yesha, as originally and long promoted by Women in Green. Yet, in fact, the matter of sovereignty has not even come close to being top priority, neither in Israeli thinking nor in American, because of the many other issues the two countries must deal with together.

And yet now, this might be changing – not because of an Israeli or American decision, but because of something going on now in France, and particularly with its president, Emmanuel Macron. When he's not getting pushed around by his former teacher and current wife, he seems to be busy with shoving of his own: pushing Israel into a corner and forming a Palestinian state.

The PA State June Conference

Macron and his Saudi friends have announced a "June Conference" to be held at the United Nations this month, "aimed at advancing global efforts towards achieving a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict." Last week Macron brought Great Britain and Canada on board with a joint declaration regarding not only Judea and Samaria, but also Gaza – an artificial and forced conglomeration that, if it succeeds, will only shove peace further away.

So far, so bad – but in truth, it might actually be the harbinger of something very good. Macron has unintentionally restored to the table the historic settlement enterprise of Judea and Samaria, whose status has been limping along for decades. Now, however, due to Macron's efforts, it might actually come under full Israeli sovereignty – finally! How so?

It's very simple: When a foreign country seeks to grant legitimacy to the sworn enemy of another country (Israel, in this case), and grant it a state in Israel's heartland while Israel is still licking its wounds of the Oct. 7^th massacre, Israel can simply not stand passively by. It will have to respond with a bold move of its own – and that will likely be a Knesset vote to support sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. This is not just a guess; top Israeli figures, whose names are mentioned below, have made it clear that this is what will happen.

The Yesha Council of Jewish Communities in Judea and Samaria is taking the lead in ensuring that the Israeli response will be, as a first step, a ceremonial Knesset resolution to this effect.

In truth, it shouldn't be much of a big pill for the Israeli public to swallow. One of the many things that all Israelis share is the fear that an Arab mob might invade our communities, just as happened on Simchat Torah. This is the great concern that, for years, drove the residents of the north to demand aggressive action against Lebanon, and it is now what motivates the residents of the Coastal Plain – Raanana, Kfar Saba, and points north, west and south – to push for the strong IDF offensives against the terrorists of Jenin and their neighbors. Israeli sovereignty in Yesha can answer these anxieties in several ways: Yesha will no longer be considered the forgotten backyard of the State of Israel; passivity will be replaced by initiative, especially military; and the country's entire approach will take on a proactive nature rather than defensive.

The Lessons of Judicial Reform

Having learned the lessons of the pre-Oct. 7^th attempts to change Israel's judicial system, the Yesha Council is working overtime to make sure that the drive for sovereignty will not take on the same confrontational nature. How can this be done? By returning to the model of "opposition to a Palestinian state." During the course of the current war, the Knesset has already passed declarative resolutions against this dangerous entity – and the most important part of this development was that the votes were bipartisan, coordinated between leading MKs of both the coalition and the opposition.

And this is also why Yesha Council has reached out to enlist MKs Simcha Rotman (of the coalition's Religious Zionism party) and Oded Forer (of the opposition Yisrael Beiteinu party) in a joint effort to sponsor the Knesset resolution for sovereignty. A bipartisan initiative of this type will not lend itself to being brushed aside easily by the anti-Netanyahu forces – but just as importantly, it will help Israel in the international arena. This is because our good friend the United States cannot be more Zionist than Israel! Behind closed doors, the Americans are saying that Israel must first come out strongly against a Palestinian state, and only then can they themselves support that stance! As such, Macron's anti-Israel obsession may turn out to be the first step of the salvation we have been awaiting.

It must be noted that the matter of sovereignty has never been a top priority of Prime Minister Netanyahu. But even he now understands that he cannot ignore a European resolution favoring a Palestinian state. His trusted political ally, Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, even recently told Administration officials that Israel's immediate response to the Saudi-French initiative will be the application of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. Foreign Minister Gideon Saar, too, gave a similar message to the British and French.

Why is the Macron initiative so dangerous? Because it is liable to lead to international sanctions against Israel, such as more wide-ranging embargos on Yesha goods, perhaps a boycott of Israel in international cultural events, and of course a platform for recognition by more and more countries of a dangerous, fictional Palestinian state.

Mr. President Macron, it could very well be that we will end up thanking you for your hatred of us and the welcome decisions it stimulated us to make. 

Perhaps the Last Chance

by Emmanuel Shiloh, editor of the Besheva weekly, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The current offensive in the war against Hamas – Gideon's Chariots – might be the last chance Israel has to destroy the enemy. 

If the Government of Israel wishes to defeat Hamas, it must conduct this war with the understanding that the window of opportunity to do so is narrowing, if not closing. It is very likely that Gideon's Chariots might very well be our last opportunity for a very long time to win.

Why is this? The international diplomatic pressure upon Israel is intensifying, as is the pressure from within. The extreme-left wing of the anti-government "Free the Captives at Any Price!" protests is becoming even more extreme and unrestrained. It is already now both denouncing Israel as committing war crimes, and promoting refusal to serve in the army during the war. This is in addition to its ongoing campaign for the hostages, which regularly floods public opinion with emotion, disrupts its logical judgment, and aggressively demands that victory be forsaken and our national security be abandoned – all so that the hostages will return, which they feel justifies absolutely any price.

Another hourglass is also running out as well: that of the soldiers, and particularly the reservists, many of whom have served months and months at a time. The burden upon them, and their wives at home, is becoming greater and harder by the day. The percentage of reservists who showed up for duty for this offensive was high, because they sensed that this time it would be serious and that the government would really be going all the way towards victory.

But if it turns out that this is just another round of a never-ending war of attrition, it is highly doubtful that it will be possible to mobilize most of the reservists for another round. Not to mention that the well-oiled campaign to forcibly draft the hareidim "right now" is creating, by design, a feeling among the reservists that they are being taken advantage of, and is decreasing their motivation to fight.

It's not so pleasant to tell the new Chief of Staff, Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, that he only has this one chance to win, after his predecessor was given almost unlimited resources of time. But Zamir knew the situation he was entering, and took on the job with the promise that he would know how to achieve victory under the given circumstances.

It does not look, however, as if the government realizes that this is perhaps its last chance. All signs indicate that even though the army has already begun deploying five divisions, and despite the large-scale call-up of reserves, Israel is still ready to stop on a dime if necessary. If and when Hamas feels that it has absolutely no choice and that Israel is about to deal it a true knock-out punch, it knows that it can quickly declare that it is accepting the Witkoff Outline. This will enable it to receive a 60-day ceasefire and the release of hundreds of terrorists from prison, in return for approximately half of our live hostages.

When such an option is always open to Hamas, why should it ever surrender?

This is a strategic blunder on Israel's part. Most unfortunately, it appears that the objective of both Netanyahu and Chief of Staff Zamir is not to "win," at this point. They are rather seeking to impose military pressure upon Hamas so that we can gain another ten hostages. If a 60-day ceasefire is agreed to, it is far from clear whether we will be allowed to finish the job of destroying Hamas afterwards.

Regarding the hostages, Israel's situation can be likened to a man whose child has been kidnapped by a cruel man holding a gun to the child's head and making a series of impossible demands. The father has the choice of trying to convince, or reprimand, the kidnapper; trying to pull the child away from him; or knocking the gun out of the kidnapper's hand. But the most effective solution is to simply shoot the kidnapper in the head – and the problem will be solved.

In the current situation, Israel should not be trying to drag out the time simply to squeeze out some more hostages at unbearably high prices. Rather, what Israel must do is to deliver a stunning knock-out blow and obliterate Hamas once and for all. The terrorists' hold upon the hostages will thus be weakened, and our captive brethren will return home.

In order to defeat Hamas, we don't have to kill every last terrorist, blow up every single tunnel, or capture or destroy all their weapons. Rather, as history has shown, victory in war can often be achieved when the enemy's "fighting spirit" has been decimated. When Hamas truly realizes that it has absolutely no chance of winning, it will simply quit, no matter what.

The recent elimination, three days before Gideon's Chariots began, of Muhammad Sinwar, as well as of other top Hamas terrorists, was just another in a long line of heavy blows suffered by Hamas at our hands over the past 19 months. Its top military, political, and organizational leadership has been almost completely eliminated, it has lost tens of thousands of fighters, very little remains of its rocket threat, and a significant portion of its weapons and bomb-making facilities have been destroyed or captured. Vast areas of Gaza Strip cities have been reduced to ruins, and two million Gazans have become refugees in their own country, forced to spend their time finding food and shelter.

Why, then, have they not surrendered? How is it that their fighting spirit still survives?

Some claim that because they are Islamist fanatics, they will simply never give up – because at worst, they will die a martyr's death, with all the heavenly delights that they have been promised. But the fact is that this did not hold true for the now all-but-defunct Hizbullah and ISIS, which were just as extremist.

Rather, the answer is very different: The reason that Hamas has not yet given up is because there are elements that support it and provide it with hope that all is not lost, and that if push comes to shove, Israel will be the first to blink. One of the main players giving Hamas this boost is, as mentioned, the campaign for the release of the hostages at any cost.

The international pressure that takes on varying shapes and forms is also a source of great hope for Hamas that it will manage to finish this war while still standing on its feet. And within Israel, those seeking to topple the Netanyahu government, or to draft the hareidim, or to support refusal to serve in the IDF, all signal to Hamas, "Not all is lost! Netanyahu will soon be off the stage! Hold on just a bit longer!"

In order to break the spirit of Hamas, it must be stopped from receiving support and reinforcement from these elements. It must be clear to Hamas that nothing will stop Israel from destroying it.

In order to win, if this is still possible, Netanyahu and Zamir have to stop trying to reach another temporary deal with Hamas, even for the exchange of some hostages. They must go full-force in the current military campaign – as if this was their last chance, which it probably is. No further rounds of fighting can be expected after this one.

Yes, this risks the hostages' lives to a certain extent – but the time has long come to stand by the ethical equation that says that our soldiers' blood is no less red than that of the hostages. We cannot fight an eternal war of attrition that continues to cost us in young soldiers' lives. The hostage situation is a catastrophe – but so is an end to the current war without victory, which will cost us in hundreds of lives, if not thousands, in the future.

Our objective now must be total conquest of the Gaza Strip within a short number of weeks; the establishment of a military regime there in place of Hamas; and allowing hundreds of thousands of Gazan Arabs to leave for other countries if they wish. When this happens, we will be able to finally declare victory, and the hostages will return home.

If the government and the IDF do not head this way in full force, we will have to assume that Netanyahu and Zamir do not really want victory.

Time to Wean Ourselves From Oslo – Sovereignty Now!

by Omer Rachamim, Director-General of the Yesha Council of Jewish Communities in Judea and Samaria, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Catching murderous terrorists cannot be our ultimate objective. Uprooting terrorism must be.

Prime Minister Netanyahu's announcement to the press last night – just after the terrorist murder of Tze'ala Gez in the Shomron as she was on her way, with her husband, to give birth to their 4^th child – tells the whole story.

This is what he wrote: "I trust that the security forces, in this case as well, will quickly get to the murderers and bring them, and all who aided them, to justice."

What's wrong with that announcement? Don't we want the long arm of our security network to pursue, catch, and kill if possible the vile murderers, as they general do so effectively and quickly?

Of course. But as we so often see, such actions simply do not prevent the next terrorist attack.

So what then must we do?

1. A significant and damaging blow must be dealt to the entire expanse in which the murderer lives. We need not waste time on chasing and finding him; his village must rather be destroyed. The entire space in which he lives and walks around and breathes is all about terrorism – from the graffiti on the walls, through the schools that teach the glories and importance of terrorism, and to the mosques in which terrorism is preached and prayed for. All of these, and more, must be systematically dismantled and destroyed.

How is this to be done? It's very straightforward: The populace must be given notice that they must evacuate within x amount of hours, or else face the consequences. Instead of awakening in their beds the next morning, the residents of the Arab villages of Burakin and A-Dik should have been exiled from their homes and woken up the next morning in tents, just like their brethren in Gaza.

Sounds too extreme? Speak to Col. Avichai Edrei, the IDF Spokesman in Arabic. His Twitter account is about to explode from the many "Evacuate Now!" announcements he has issued. Just as these worked quite well in Gaza, they will work perfectly well in Judea and Samaria as well.

2. The concept of "maintaining the fabric of life for the general populace" must disappear, once and for all. This laundered and inadequate phrase paves the way for nothing more nor less than placing the very lives of hundreds of thousands of Jewish residents of Yesha on the line every time they take a drive. Terrorists are simply not afraid to shoot at them, nor is it a difficult mission to do so.

It's unbelievably insane how easy it is for the same Arabs who are not permitted to enter Raanana or Afula to wait in traffic jam alongside residents of Maaleh Adumim, or to get within spitting distance of the homes of residents of Ariel.

It should be that Israeli citizens use a network of comfortable and safe roads, while the Arabs of Judea and Samaria use a separate system. What's amazing is that these networks already exist. 

In addition, the roadblocks and checkpoints must return as a regular feature to the lives of the Arabs in Yesha. For them to be able to travel freely means they can easily escape from place to place without being caught or even stopped.

3. When a terrorist attack occurs or is attempted, the punishment must match not the results, but the intent. If there happen not to be any dead Israelis as a result of a given attack, this does not mean that the terrorist infrastructure responsible for the attempt should not be dismantled. For instance, in the case of the most recent murder, three similar attacks took place in the same area; thank G-d, none of them ended with dead Jews. But the Israeli reactions to these attempted murders were on a minor scale – leading directly, apparently, to the horrific murder of a young mother on her way to give birth.

4. Military actions are important, but they are not the primary element; our diplomatic actions are much more critical. Unlike what the left-wing camp claims, terrorism is not based on "despair," but rather on "hope." The terrorists continue to hope that they will be able to rid us from our land – not just from Yesha, but from Haifa, Acre, Jaffa, the Coastal Plane, and everywhere else.

There is only one way to cut down this hope – and that is by instituting Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. When we delay and hesitate, as we have been doing for several years on this issue, we are actually telling the Arab enemy that they can realistically continue to "hope" that we will not be here forever – and that terrorism can only help their cause. When we vacillate, we are saying that we have not yet really decided that we are here to say. The time is long past due to make it eminently clear: "We're not going anywhere."

So why are these steps not being taken? There is one answer: Oslo. Most unfortunately for all of us, Israel's security establishment is still addicted to the "Oslo drug" – and refuses all treatment to help de-program and de-tox itself.

The "Oslo drug" causes dangerous hallucinations, in which Israeli security cooperation with a terrorist entity known as the PA's "security apparatus" is seen as having security value.

If we would rid ourselves of the Oslo conception, enabling a positive "fabric of life" for the Arabs in Yesha would be seen not as a goal in and of itself, but as a tool we must use in order to decrease terrorism. If we do not take this approach, but instead continue to make believe that superficial quiet for a few weeks at a time is genuine quiet – it explodes in our faces.

Mr. Prime Minister, and the other Cabinet ministers: Catching terrorists is important. But changing our conceptions is much more so. The Oslo Accords were, and are, a catastrophe. It's time we wean ourselves, cancel them, and declare sovereignty.