A Chance for Real Change in the South

by Elad Kalimi, Deputy Mayor of Sderot, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Motivation in Sderot is high, but the IDF must continue to press in northern Gaza and clean it out of terrorists in order to restore security to the residents of Sderot and environs.

With the re-election of Donald Trump as President of the United States, we find ourselves in an awkward position, to say the least. Precisely when a real opportunity is finally about to open up for Israel to act more freely against Hamas, and even vanquish it, the political pressure from the lame-duck Democratic administration against our government is intensifying. The Democrats are clearly seeking to register a political "achievement" in the name of the Trump-Harris administration before it fades limply away into history this coming January 20^th.

This past year of our relations with the United States have been very difficult. In the midst of our very costly war with ruthless Hamas and Hizbullah, the Biden Administration threatened to emplace an embargo and sanctions against Israel if it did not follow its advice to run the war the way the President and his staff wanted. Biden representatives constantly intervened in Israel's security cabinet meetings, and the Administration forced Israel to allow huge quantities of "humanitarian aid" into Gaza with the clear knowledge that Hamas was either selling it for astronomical profits or store-housing it for years to come.

And all this was taking place while the Israeli hostages remained starving in Hamas dungeons, on a diet of a slice of bread a day. Ever since the war started, the Americans have hindered our efforts and steps, reducing the chances for a strong blow against Hamas and exerting most of their pressure against us.

Dare we hope that in two months' time, the above will all be just a bad dream, and that we will finally get our hands around the terrorists' necks and bring about a real change in the military picture between Israel and those who wish to destroy us?

And this brings us to the city of Sderot, where I live. The need for a fundamental change in the way our military forces work in Gaza is directly connected to the fate of Sderot and the populace of the entire western Negev. The military maneuvers in northern Gaza, pushing myriads of Gazans southward in order to sift out the terrorists, are a welcome move – but hardly enough. Northern Gaza must be totally cleaned out so that Israel will be able to take full control of the region and thus restore a sense of genuine security to the Jewish residents. The scenes of hundreds of northern Gazans scouting out our homes from the windows of their homes just across the border is simply intolerable, and will greatly harm the process of rehabilitation that we are trying to undergo.

Sderot and environs lost 30 residents on or after Oct. 7, and a host of others were killed here since then in various battles and attacks. We are dealing with the fragments of the painful reality that this war has left us, working to rebuild our lives with strength and hope. But even in the midst of the rebuilding, we are suffering from delays and impediments in our daily lives. For one example, the Sderot-Tel Aviv train line is still not in operation, for fear of sniper fire from nearby Gaza. Only in the merit of the ongoing pressure of the mayors and local council heads, of the residents in general, and of the wise decision by Finance Minister Betzalel Smotrich to refuse to allocate 800 million shekels to protect the railway tracks – did the IDF finally realize that the responsibility for safeguarding the area is not on the government's shoulders, but rather on theirs – and that this requires total military control of northern Gaza. Once they acted on this strategy, the number of shootings and attempted terrorist attacks dropped significantly. This proves, of course, that targeted action achieves its objectives, and that we must continue to press. There can be no compromise at the expense of the security of the residents of the south.

The catastrophic events of Oct. 7^th left deep scars upon every resident of Sderot. I personally lost close friends, such as Kobi Prienta and Shilo Cohen, as did many others, and the pain accompanies us every moment of the day. But it is precisely the difficulties, and the searing memories, that bring out from us the strengths to march this city forward. Our vision is to turn Sderot into the pearl of the country, a city that will produce a new generation of resilient residents, with personal and communal vitality, who strive and work for high-quality lives of vision, education, and community life. Thus we will turn Sderot into a city that not only survives, but flourishes.

But the most important thing is to continue forward militarily, without removing our foot from the gas. We must continue to fight firmly and confidently against both Hamas and Hizbullah. This is not only a military struggle, but one for the hopes of all of us – one that is based on our strong stances and desire to return to normal life. With all the challenges we face, I believe that it is possible, and imperative, to counter the threats that face us, and guarantee our residents that which they deserve: long-range security and quiet.

Needed: Israeli Strategic and Military Independence

by Rabbi Eliezer Shenvald, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The Patriarch Abraham had the right idea in purchasing the Machpelah Cave and not accepting it as a gift. This is an important lesson for the State of Israel to relearn today. 

Strategic alliances with other countries are an important component of any nation's overall national security. They are very necessary especially in today's era of globalization, with the frequent formation and collapse of international coalitions, and when even distant enemies must be faced and dealt with.

In the current war, Israel's alliances have certainly proved themselves. Our friendship with the United States saved us from the mistakes we made in allowing our supplies of armaments, weapons and combat equipment to dwindle. We were also helped by quiet arrangements with our neighbors, such as Jordan, to intercept the ballistic missiles and UAV aircraft/drones fired at Israel from Iran.

On the other hand, as is known, the U.S. embrace of Israel was actually a type of bear hug. It created a measure of Israeli dependency on the U.S. that actually left us vulnerable to demands that we not fulfill our military and strategic objectives along the way to defeating Hamas and returning our hostages.

There is a well-known principle that "countries don't have friends, only interests." Of late, there was most definitely a conflict of some of these interests between Israel and the U.S., particularly the then-upcoming elections. As a result, America threatened, more than once, to withhold arms shipments to Israel critical for the continuation of its campaign [to destroy, or at least subdue, terrorism in the Middle East]. This was a repeat of what happened 50 years earlier during the Yom Kippur War, when the Americans prevented us from preemptively attacking the Syrians and Egyptians; the ensuing war ultimately cost us over 2,650 soldiers' lives.

We must always remember the great difference between an alliance of friendship and goodwill, on the one hand, and a relationship that leads to one party's dependence on the other, rendering it a type of protectorate. For Israel, this is of course undesirable and undermines our sovereignty.

One of the fundamental principles in the security philosophy outlined by Ben-Gurion in the early days of the State was that Israel must always retain its independence in everything having to do with military strategy and armaments. "It is incumbent upon us to know and recognize," he said in 1951, "that when it comes to our security, we must always rely only on ourselves." We must ensure that given the tremendous threats upon us, we will always have the wherewithal to respond effectively and sufficiently without the need to resort to others' help.

We must always be able to make sure that the IDF has the weapons it needs, with production lines that can increase their output in times of emergency. The IDF must always have sufficient manpower for a number of highly-trained and battle-ready attack-force divisions that are prepared for every eventuality. It must also maintain supplies and spare parts that will last it for the duration of whatever battles are on the horizon, and beyond.

To our great sorrow, this was not at all the picture when the current war started. For many years, we enabled ourselves to develop a dependency on American defense aid money [which must, by the terms of the agreement with the Americans, be spent in the U.S.], leading to a degeneration of some of our own local defense industries. This of course creates the harmful dependency of which we are speaking. According to various reports, we permitted ourselves to reduce our supplies of equipment essential for an extended war, relying on our American friends to supply us when needed, as indeed they finally did – almost too late – in the Yom Kippur War.

Reports are that immediate steps are being taken to change our thinking in this regard and ensure that we will not be caught short-handed again. Still and all, if we ever again need weapons and armaments, we must know that it is better to purchase them than to receive them as "gifts."

It has been reported that on Trump's "Day One," right after his inauguration on Jan. 20, he has promised to remove all restrictions on the supply of military equipment and ammunition to Israel. This is certainly good news, but it must not cause us to revert to our dependency on the United States in areas of military goals and weapons. The Trump Administration will be a good test case to see if we have truly internalized the lessons of the current war in terms of relying on the goodwill of others.

Let us note that our Patriarch Abraham was a great strategist, with long-term vision. He forged a strategic alliance in Be'er Sheva with King Avimelekh for generations to come (see Genesis 21, 22-31), with the goal of ensuring their secure and lasting stronghold in the Land of Israel.

It was for this reason that Abraham, as we read in this week's Torah portion, refused to accept the Machpelah Cave and the field of Hebron as a gift from Ephron the Hittite. He insisted on paying full price, for various reasons according to the Medrash – and one of them was that when one receives a favor or gift from another, the former becomes a form of debtor to his benefactor.

"How much more so is this true," explained a venerable sage of the previous generation known as the Steipler Rov, "that one must not allow himself to enter into an unlimited agreement of subservience… and especially if the other is a wicked person…"

King Solomon writes in Proverbs, "One who hates gifts will live" (15,27). This is because he has not allowed himself to develop a dependency upon others. "There are no free lunches," the popular saying goes. 

Hebron and the Machpelah Cave were Avraham's first acquisitions in the Land to which G-d instructed him to go. Thus, these places ,are strategically critical for Jewish sovereignty here forever. Not for naught did all three Patriarchs – Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob – establish their residence in Hebron, which was also the first destination of the Twelve Spies dispatched by Moses to the Land. It was also in Hebron that King David founded the Dynasty of Israel. All of this explains why Abraham made sure to buy it and not receive it as a gift. Only in this way would it belong exclusively to the People of Israel, with no chance for the Hittites, or anyone else, to retain any claims to it in the future. 

Mr. Trump: Let's Start with Canceling the Personal Sanctions, and Continue From There

by Shai Alon, Beit El Mayor, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Donald Trump's historic victory in the US elections opens the door for immediate and welcome changes for the half-million-plus Jewish residents of Judea and Samaria (Yesha). Israel must utilize the circumstances and work for complete Israeli sovereignty in Yesha – and for the removal of the baseless personal sanctions the State Department has imposed upon individual Jews there.

Trump's win received two extra underscores with the Republican victory in the Senate, and what appears to be the same in the House of Representatives. For at least the next two years, therefore, until the mid-term House elections, the situation appears very promising.

In his first term, as is known, Trump displayed very strong support for Israel and its interests. He took a series of measures that greatly upgraded Israel's status in its own land and around the world. His recognition of Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and the transfer of the US Embassy to Jerusalem, changed the very ground rules. And the historic Abraham Accords between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain opened the gates for a promising and stable future in the Middle East.

These were not merely symbolic gestures, but full-throated shows of practical support for Israel, in deeds and not only words, that until then had been practically unthinkable.

Unfortunately, Trump was replaced by an outwardly friendly Biden Administration, but which continued, even after Oct. 7^th, to work tirelessly for a two-state solution with our neighbors, Hamas/Fatah, as if nothing had happened.

Now, with Trump's return to the White House for his last four years as President, it is incumbent upon us to know how to open this window of opportunity, for the benefit of the settlement enterprise in Yesha and to strengthen Israel's hold over the entire Land of Israel.

As mentioned, the recent months and years under Biden were not at all simple for Israel. His administration's approach was close to a direct continuation of the confrontational line taken by the Obama regime before Trump's first victory. It will be recalled that Biden was Obama's VP then, and it is a fairly open secret that Obama played a large, behind-the-scenes role in the Biden-Harris administration as well.

The now-outgoing US government's conception of what the Middle East must look like stood many times in stark contrast to Israel's view, interests, and core values – and even many times to the United States' core values. We found ourselves having to deal with foreign pressures not only preventing us from decisively defeating Hamas, but also forcing us to restrict Jewish construction – enacting almost a de facto freeze – in Judea and Samaria.

Sanctions
The Biden Administration even went so far as to impose personal sanctions against individuals and organizations active in Yesha on behalf of the Jewish People. This is a disrespectful and even dictatorial move that represents a blatantly brazen intervention in Israel's internal policies. The sanctions were not even only economic. Their objective was rather to restrict the growth of the Jewish communities and signal the essential American opposition to the existence of more than a half-million Jews in these areas.

The severity of these sanctions is such that the routine lives of the affected Jews became intolerable. The incoming Administration must nullify these sanctions on Day One, in order to assure Israel's sovereignty as an independent country, and to enable the residents of Yesha to continue to build their lives in freedom.

We recall Trump's “Middle East Peace Plan,” also known as the “peace plan of the century,” which was unveiled in early 2020 (just around when the Coronavirus was beginning to make its infamous mark around the world). Now, after what happened outside Gaza on Simchat Torah last year, its vision of a Palestinian state alongside Israel is no longer relevant. Between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea there must be only one sovereign state: the State of Israel!

What we must do now, therefore, is to push full steam ahead to promote and advance the establishment of Israel's sovereignty over every Jewish-populated area in Yesha. After 57 years of living here, it is inconceivable that the Jews are still subservient to military orders issued by the official governor, namely, the IDF Central Command. The IDF's civil administration over Yesha must be abolished, and the Jewish populace here must be a totally integral part of the State of Israel under the law.

With President Trump in office, the matter of security in Yesha can also face historical changes. We cannot overlook the fact of the PA military mechanisms that possess huge amounts of armored vehicles and weapons, which in an instant can turn into a threatening scenario against Israel, as happened in the second intifada - and as we are witnessing these very days in the shooting incidents by PA police officers.

The sense of security here, and the very lives of the residents of Yesha, are in constant danger, and this situation cannot continue. The military bodies of Fatah and of the other terrorist organizations must be disarmed, and the area must be completely cleansed of the many illegal weapons that abound. Only Israeli forces may possess weapons and have security authority in the area.

These are absolutely necessary moves that can only be implemented when President Trump assumes his old-new office. We wish him the best of success!

The Mission: To Avoid the Lebanese Swamp – and Bring Peace

by Maj. (res.) Gilad Ach, Chairman of "Reservists of the Victory Generation" and Director of the Ad Kan organization, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The recipe to do so is straightforward, but requires courage.

After more than a month since the beginning of the IDF's campaign against Hizbullah in Lebanon, anyone who took part in the ground offensive can agree on the following facts:

1.    The enemy was significantly weaker than what we expected. In fact, in most of the villages there was hardly any resistance, and whatever military opposition we encountered was overcome fairly quickly.

2.     Our offensive was east-to-west, not deep into more northern Lebanese territory. We sought to "visit" all the villages that are relatively close to Israel, without going to the second-tier villages.

3.     Actually, these weren't exactly villages. The amount of weapons, tunnels, and anti-tank missiles that we found in every house in the Shiite towns and villages, as well as rocket launching pads directed at Israel from every corner, giving them total control over our northern communities, rendered these "villages" genuine military camps, camouflaged by a "combat supporting" civilian populace.

If the Hizbullah leaders – especially the now-deceased Sheikh Nasrallah – had had the time or the notion to order this tremendous military array to attack Israel, the amount of dead and kidnapped Israelis we could have suffered would likely have been much greater than the numbers we experienced on Simchat Torah a year ago.

4.    Lebanon is, indeed, a poor country – but the plethora of large houses, luxury cars, and private swimming pools that we saw, as well as other indications, attest to the unusual wealth of the Shiite population in southern Lebanon.

5.    The UNIFIL peace-keeping forces and the Lebanese Army are an intrinsic part of the game being played there by Iran. They most certainly saw with their own eyes, or otherwise knew of, the tunnel openings, the tunnel excavations, the launch pads, the mining of the roads, the trucks carrying long-range rockets, the explosive drones, and more and more. They saw and were silent. They saw and cooperated with our enemy.

6.    What Israel owes its Mossad and intelligence community people cannot be expressed in words. The reason why Hizbullah is suffering such great losses now is because of the total state of bedlam and confusion it entered as a result of our ingenious beeper-and-pager attacks, as well as the liquidation of Nasrallah shortly afterwards. Basically, the once-arrogant Hizbullah has turned into a mouse running for its life ever since. It is not even able to arm the charges it itself hid in the fields because it is so busy retreating.

All of these facts lead us to the following simple conclusions:

We must not allow a recurrence of that which we experienced with Hizbullah in the past! We have neither the privilege nor the right to enable Hizbullah to rebuild itself and its monstrous array of threats to northern Israel right over our border!

Yes, there is a national fear of sinking into the "Lebanese swamp." Much of the country is still traumatized by the frequent losses we suffered in the years after the Second Lebanese War.

But in order that we not betray the trust that history has granted us, it is my understanding that we actually have no choice but to quickly execute the following four operations:

1.    We must deepen our ground offensive and take it further north, all the way up to the Litani River. Though it flows mostly north to south, its east-west section flows 10 kilometers north of Tyre, about 30 kilometers north of the border with Israel. We must define the entire area of southern Lebanon from Israel to this section of the Litani as a closed military zone, and as a buffer zone with no residents. It will be enclosed by a fence, which already exists on the existing Israeli-Lebanese border, and IDF outposts will populate the area. This will prevent a ground invasion from Lebanon into Israel, of the catastrophic type we experienced last October 7^th, for many years to come.

2.    We can reach a ceasefire agreement with Lebanon – in exchange for the exile of the entire political echelon of Hizbullah, as well as whatever is left of its military leadership. In addition, all still-living terrorists who engaged in firing long-range rockets at us must be extradited to Israel.

3.    The Christian and Druze leaders in Lebanon must be invited and brought to Israel to speak in the Knesset, and we must help bolster their standing in Lebanon.

4.    With American backing, and as part of the ceasefire agreement, the Lebanese unwritten National Pact that mandates the selection of national leaders according to ethnicity must be abolished. There must also be democratic elections for the Parliament, which will release Lebanon from its Shi'ite-Iranian bear hug. For decades, this system has made Lebanon into a country lacking basic governmental stability. [The present situation is that the president must be a Maronite Christian, the speaker of the Parliament - a Shi'ite Muslim, and the prime minister must be a Sunni Muslim. According to Wikipedia, efforts to alter or abolish this system have been at the center of Lebanese politics for decades. - HF]

These actions are the only ones that can save us from the mistakes we made after the First and Second Lebanese Wars. They can also help save Lebanon from its Iranian captors, and bring quiet to our northern border for many years forward.

We can only hope for, and demand, the necessary courage and maneuverings in the political sphere of the type that have served us so well on the battlefield.

The Importance of Joy and Confidence in Wartime

by Rabbi Avraham Vasserman, prolific author and lecturer in Yeshivat Merkaz HaRav, translated by Hillel Fendel.

I. The Yom Kippur War

Every year in commemoration of Israel's great victory in October 1973, the press chooses to treat us to a plethora of articles on the "failure" that accompanied it. This word is so frequently attached to the Yom Kippur War that it often seems as if the war was one big failure. 

Yes, there was a failure, in Israel's intelligence. The enemy's war preparations were very obvious, yet our "intelligence elements" either didn't see them or ignored them. Thus, Israel was caught by surprise, and enemy armies penetrated into our territory. Yet, only 11 days later, on the day before Simchat Torah, the IDF crossed the Suez Canal westward into Egypt. And after only a week more, our forces had practically erased the Egyptian army. In Syria, as well, Israeli forces managed to turn the enemy advance into a retreat, and marched to within 40 kilometers (25 miles) of the Syrian capital, Damascus. Were it not for American pressure, our victory could have been massive and Egypt would have signed a surrender agreement.

By both simple logic and natural instinct, our incredible comeback in the Yom Kippur War should be commemorated as the greatest achievement in the history of the State of Israel. Alongside the grief and sorrow at our heavy losses, it should be celebrated as a miracle of salvation and victory. On the contrary: the failure of the beginning of the war is precisely that which highlights the enormity of what we achieved. 

But the agenda-driven wailing of the media outlets took over the national ambience. A type of national trauma has developed, with the active maintenance of certain elements, to the effect that the army cannot be counted upon – even though the facts proved otherwise. This was a main reason for the signing of the scandalous peace agreements in 1979, in which we had to give away the Sinai Peninsula and its strategic depth, oil fields, airports, tourist attractions, and, certainly not least, its Jewish communities. 

The absurdity is that it's the defeated Egyptians who celebrate every year their success at surprising us and their early battlefield accomplishments. They thus raise their morale and strengthen their resolve to defeat us at the next opportunity. Of late we have seen the wide-ranging preparations of the Egyptian army, which they don't even seek to hide, in anticipation of the next war. [For instance, IsraelDefense reported that this past May, Egypt signed a contract to buy 30 advanced French Rafale fighter jets, even though it is under no significant security threat from any country. – HF]

II. Nothing New Here

A similar story happened in the Bible when King David defeated his rebellious son Avshalom. Despite his boastful and arrogant behavior, the latter was able to take his father by surprise when he actually sought to overthrow and kill him. David, crowned with victories in past wars, became in one moment a man running for his life, with several hundred of his fighters. However, he did not despair, and instead did the unbelievable: winning with his small force a decisive victory over Avshalom's much larger army. 

David's soldiers returned home as joyful victors from the battle they had waged and won against all odds. They expected the tambourines and drums of a victory parade, just as those that greeted David when he defeated the Philistines. But then – David stood at the gate and cried out in anguish, "Avshalom my son! Would I have died instead of you!" The victory celebrations ended abruptly, and the people left quietly, as if they had been defeated.

Yoav, David's Chief of Staff, blessed with sharp instincts, realized what was going on. He understood that under no circumstances should the joy of victory turn into mourning. He even threatened David - the only time he did so - that if David continued to mourn, the situation would become even worse for him.

David wiped away his tears, went out to the people and congratulated them on their victory, and thus restored their pride, joy and enthusiasm. Later, when David commanded his son and successor Shlomo to take vengeance on certain people who had committed unforgiveable offenses, one of them was Yoav. But David said that this was because he had killed Avner and Amasa, and mentioned nothing about Yoav's having killed Avshalom; apparently, David agreed with Yoav's approach. 

III. An Opportunity for National Repentance

Maimonides teaches us the definition of genuine and total repentance: "It is when a person has the opportunity to commit the same sin that he once committed, under the same circumstances, yet restrains himself and does not do so – not because of fear, and not because of lack of strength, but only because he has done teshuvah." (Laws of Teshuvah 2,1)

It is very rare that a person finds himself with the chance to commit the exact same sin under the same circumstances. But it appears that now, we have this precise opportunity, on the national plane. 

Just like during the Yom Kippur War, an intelligence failure on the part of our experts, who ignored the open preparations of the enemy, led to the massive tragedy of last year's Simchat Torah. 

The mass murders, kidnappings, abuse and humiliation were terrible beyond description. Our enemies are proud of what they did, and show off videos of their "achievements" to glorify their name to their countrymen who appreciate this type of cruelty. This, even though they have been defeated in a way that no one could have imagined. But most unfortunately, once again, elements among us – driven by their own agenda of toppling the government at any cost – seek to cast what happened only as a failure and a defeat, and to create a national spirit of doom - one that is liable to bring about an even greater disaster.

This, then, is our opportunity to rectify that which happened after Yom Kippur in 1973. Together with the mourning, pain and sorrow we are experiencing, we must remember that we have what to celebrate and rejoice: We are winning the war, on several fronts. We have shown the wondrous ability to arise from a terrible thrashing and recover to beat back the enemy and attack them wherever they are. 

We are in the midst of an amazing reversal in which the IDF's ground-forces army – which had been all but dried up for years by irresponsible elements who promoted the concept of a "small, smart army" – became within a short time a tremendous war machine filled with an optimistic and idealistic fighting spirit. Even more: We are witnesses to another national reversal of a renewed confidence in our path and general insistence that we not stop the battle until our enemy is vanquished.

This is thus the opportunity for our national repentance. Let us not squander it.

Four Mistakes That Need Not Happen – Please!

by Prof. Ron Breiman, former Chairman of Professors for a Strong Israel, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Most unfortunately, it appears that even after we are administered a massive, painful lesson, we still don't necessarily learn it. Instead, we occasionally doom ourselves to repeat the same, very costly mistakes. Here are four recent examples. 

1. There are those in various positions of leadership or influence who still believe that a partial deal for the release of just some of the captives from Hamas tunnels is a good idea. The notion being floated is that individual captives, such as women and possibly older men, would be freed in exchange for a ceasefire of as-yet undetermined length. This deal is supported by the Hostages' Families Task Force – which claims to represent all the families, but in actuality does not – as well as many in the media. 

However, this is clearly an immoral initiative, as it would relegate the majority of the hostages – soldiers and young men – to continued suffering, with no prospects for release from the cruel terrorists and return to their families. There is thus no reason to keep on discussing or considering it.

The only possible deal that Israel can consider is one in which all the hostages are released at once, even at the price of a cessation of the war. As long as Hamas does not itself initiate such an exchange, it means that the terrorists are not deterred, not afraid, and not defeated. And that means that there is no such animal as a "victory photo" that many seem to believe is something realistic to strive for. There will be no such morale-raising photo, and certainly not following an unethical deal that abandons our kidnapped soldiers.

2. Another failed idea that is once again being raised for consideration, and even being entertained seriously in some circles, is that of a diplomatic agreement with Hizbullah/Lebanon. Some are saying that we must return to past UN ceasefire resolutions. But it will be recalled that these were advanced by failed Israeli leaders Ehud Olmert and Tzippy Livni for the purpose of ending the Second Lebanon War, and that they heavily involve the incompetent – some say the correct word would be "malicious" – UNIFIL peacekeeping forces. We are witness to daily cooperation between UNIFIL and Hizbullah (just like UNRWA with Hamas), as well as anti-Israeli (arguably anti-Semitic) activity by the French president and government, as well as the head of the superfluous body known as the United Nations. 

There can be no logic to imposing an agreement in Lebanon without Israeli retaining the capacity to respond immediately to any enemy violations. This idea, too, must be dropped from the table immediately. 

3. And yet another notion that, sadly, is being raised once again is called "The Day After." This is a popular codeword for what is expected to happen after we complete the conquest of Gaza and the destruction of Hamas – and not a few expect this to involve the transfer of power over Gaza to another terrorist organization, one that is named the Palestinian Authority. 

For us to enable the PA to take over Gaza is simply unimaginable. Whoever is still stuck in past conceptions – mostly the Oslo Accords conception, that peace can be attained with the PA – continues repeatedly to try to sell this same dangerous idea again and again while hoping for different results. This is why the official Iron Swords War committee of inquiry (which has still not yet been formed or even decided upon) must begin its work from the (mis)conception that led, predictably and despite many warnings, to the Oslo War, also known as the Second Intifada. There are many in the political and security establishments for whom the other shoe has not yet dropped, and who still believe in the same ideas that the Simchat Torah massacre proved so wrong. Most unfortunately, they are willing to lose the current war, and many IDF soldiers, so that a PA state can be formed in western Eretz Yisrael – adjacent to Israel at first, and upon its ruins at a later stage, Heaven forbid. 

According to this conception that they simply cannot shake off, there are only two options: either the formation of an enemy state in the heart of our Land, or the annexation of Judea and Samaria, which would render the Arabs a sizeable Trojan horse minority in Israel. They simply ignore the existence of a third alternative: the very likely possibility that the current situation can continue until the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan collapses, leading to the actualization of the "Palestine is Jordan, Jordan is Palestine" option promoted by none other than King Hussein.

4. "Territories for peace." What a terrible idea, dating back to just after the Six Day War! - and yet some are considering it once again. Aside from its military and political folly, it would be an unforgivable turning of our backs on the heart of our country - Judea and Samaria, and a betrayal of our soldiers – our sons, husbands, and brothers – whose contribution to the IDF is and has been invaluable.

In light of the above, it would certainly be in place to repeat the immortal words attributed to Albert Einstein: "Insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results."

Joy at the Fall of the Wicked Ones

by Emanuel Shilo, editor of Besheva, translated by Hillel Fendel.

In the rush of the unprecedented events overtaking us at breakneck speed, it is incredible to realize that a seminal and cardinal miracle that took place only a week and a half ago is already being somewhat overshadowed and even forgotten. This article by Besheva editor Emanuel Shilo helps restore it to its proper proportions – and reminds us what it obligates us to continue to do. 

So where were you when you heard the colossal news that our forces had liquidated Hizbullah leader Nasrallah, may his memory be erased? 

I personally was spending the Sabbath in the Shomron community of Har Brachah, together with the educational staff and students of the girls' high school in which my wife works – Ulpanat Tziyah of Revavah. Many of those I know had to hear the news with half an ear, from foreign workers and the like, given that it was publicized on the Sabbath – but I was able to hear it in a more direct manner: A high defense alert was suddenly declared throughout the area upon the news of Nasrallah's death, and the security personnel amongst us were told to have their phones with them at all times. 

When Nasrallah's death was officially announced, while we were eating the festive Sabbath meal, the principal stood up to announce the great salvation to which G-d had treated us. Cheers and verses of thanks and joy erupted from every corner, and it immediately became clear that this was precisely the time for us, the few men who were present, to make our way outside so that the girls could dance in celebration. We ten men found ourselves outside, and while until now our primary commonality was our wives' workplace, we instinctively felt the urge to join together in a circle of dancing and thanksgiving. 

I don't usually get carried away, but this time I was flooded with emotions that brought tears to my eyes. After all the difficult experiences we endured this year, here was the Master of the Universe shining His face upon us, on this final Sabbath of the year 5784, giving into our hands the most prominent and blatant of our enemies, the mass murderer who continually vilified and threatened the Nation of Israel, the State of Israel, and the IDF. It is reminiscent of Sisera falling to the hands of Yael [as recounted in the Book of Judges] and the felling of Goliath by David and his slingshot. We danced and sang Hatov (Your Mercies are Endless), Yodu LaHshem Chasdo (Acknowledging G-d's Kindnesses), and of course Samson's song of vengeance Zokhreini Na (Remember Me).

2. Incidentally, I'm not so sure anymore about the relevance of that last song. Not because of its theme of vengeance; vengeance that pushes us to destroy the evil ones who wish to exterminate us and who hate the G-d of Israel is a very positive sentiment, when used at the right times and against the right people. My problem with this song in the context of Hizbullah and Hamas is the opposite: I feel it is too weak. When Samson said those words, with which he "brought down the house" upon hundreds of enemy Philistines in his final act in life, it was out of despair and defeat. But in our generation, against our enemies, this is not at all the case, thank G-d. We want national revenge against Hamas, Hizbullah, the Houthis, and the Iranian regime that will bring them destruction not together with ours, as Samson prayed for, but such that will bring us total victory! We don't want it "only this one time," as Samson prayed, but for as many times as it will take until the evil is overcome! We ask that G-d "bless our soldiers, bring our enemies down under their feet, and crown them with salvation and victory." We pray, as David did, to "pursue my enemies and destroy them, and I should not return before their decimation" (Samuel II 22). 

This is why I proposed yet another song during this dance, with words taken from the weekly Torah portion of Haazinu (Deut. 32,43): Harninu Goyim Amo, "Let the tribes of His nation sing praise, for He will avenge the blood of his servants." Incidentally, it is said that it was Rav Kook himself who gave these words its popular melody [taken from another song], and it happened on the Simchat Torah that followed the Hebron pogrom of 1929 in which local Arabs massacred 67 of their Jewish neighbors. 

3. Our great military successes against the Lebanese-Shiite enemy, including the wondrous beeper attacks against thousands of terrorists in one fell swoop, are not only a reason for happiness and thanksgiving. They also demand of us a total commitment to overcome all obstacles and opposition, and to continue our military campaign until total victory, and not to cease until our northern residents can return to their homes in total safety. We must not give in to foreign pressures, even from those who claim to be our best friends, who say that we have every right to defend ourselves but seek to prevent us from actually winning.

And in the south as well: We must continue to tighten our choke-hold over the Hamas terrorists and ensure that they do not commandeer the distribution of humanitarian aid. This will free the population from its dependence on Hamas, bring nearer the end of the Hamas regime, increase the Gazan civilians' willingness to cooperate in various ways with Israel, and will help end the war and the suffering of the Gazans. We must not run in place, but rather initiate and not give the enemy a moment to rest and reorganize.  

4. The politics of it: It appears that Defense Minister Yoav Gallant has returned to his traditional approach, showing great enthusiasm for the current offensives. It's not our concern right now whether this happened simply to ward off the impending appointment of always-hawkish Gideon Saar as his replacement… 

Meanwhile, Saar and his party showed great national responsibility in agreeing to join the government even without receiving the Defense portfolio. Now is not the time to seek to topple the government and have a tense and divisive election campaign. Whatever Netanyahu's share in the responsibility for the catastrophe of October 7th, it is certainly indirect and secondary to that of the professional security and defense establishment. The latter failed outright in many areas, and also did not take the trouble to involve the Prime Minister in the decisions of that fateful night. We can look left and right, and we will find no one currently seeking to replace Netanyahu capable of managing this so-terribly complex and multi-front military and diplomatic and domestic campaign better than he can. 

The time to replace the Prime Minister will come when the war ends and the emergency situation is over. What is needed now is to strengthen our national unity and governmental stability. And this is what Saar and his colleagues are doing, by adding their views and approaches to the decision making process. Even if their interests include political ones in light of their dismal poll showings, they are to be commended for putting aside their deep differences and even personal resentments in order to work together on behalf of our vital national interests. 

Finally, the Answer to "What Will be on the Day After?" in Gaza

based on an article by Ron Ben-Yishai of Yediot Acharonot and a news clip by Amit Segal of Channel 12 news, edited and translated by Hillel Fendel.

Explaining the IDF's Powerful New Offensive in Gaza

Political commentators in Israel have been trying to explain what lies behind Israel's recent days of renewed, even-stronger offensives in northern Gaza. As of this writing, the Israel Air Force has struck more than 70 terrorist targets in Gaza over the past 24 hours, while over the past week large ground forces have entered Jebalya and other terrorist strongholds in the area and eliminated large numbers of terrorists.

Ron Ben-Yishai of Yediot Acharonot writes that the IDF is striving to cleanse the area of terrorists, remove the need to repeatedly enter Gaza, and ensure that Hamas is not able to take control of the humanitarian aid that the civilian population deserves. In short, "the idea is to make clear to Sinwar [leader of Hamas] that 'the game is over.'"

One of the IDF's declared objectives, Ben-Yishai explains, is the goal of "taking control of northern Gaza areas such as Jebalya, Beit Hanoun, and Beit Lahiya in which Hamas is trying to rebuild its civilian power and military strongholds. Jebalya is now totally encircled for this purpose, as well as to neutralize as many terrorists as possible."

The main issue in northern Gaza is that while there are barely any tunnels left, there are some 300,000 "non-involved" civilians whose needs must be tended to. The humanitarian aid that they receive, which is frequently commandeered by Hamas, "prevents the IDF from properly cleaning out the area of terrorists," according to Ben-Yishai. "This is why the experienced Division 162, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Itzik Cohen, has been brought in to deal with the problem." 

The IDF is purposely advancing slowly, with firepower when needed, in order to encourage the civilians to leave. Corridors have been opened for travel southward, in which only civilians who have been cleared as non-terrorists may pass. IDF announcements in Arabic continually warn and call for voluntary evacuation. Humanitarian aid is offered generously in the areas to which they are relocating, untainted by Hamas.

Another objective of the present offensive is to obviate the need for the army to continually enter northern Gaza and cleanse it of terrorists. At the same time, this will enable the humanitarian aid to be distributed fairly, by international aid organizations, to those who need it. 

By thus entering and cleansing northern Gaza, Ben-Yishai opines – apparently based on IDF sources – the army might well be "building the infrastructure needed for the start of the civil administration or government that will replace Hamas."

Another goal that the IDF is seeking to achieve with this offensive is intensification of the pressure on Hamas leader Sinwar. "This will make it clear to him that the game is over, that he has no chance to rebuild Hamas, and that he would be best advised to reach an agreement for the release of the Israeli hostages that will bring an end to the warfare and suffering in Gaza."

Sinwar knows that when 300,000 Gazans become permanent refugees within Gaza, "this increases the population's fury and frustration and opposition to Hamas – all of which is already beginning to take on momentum."

Sinwar sees what is happening in Lebanon, Ben-Yishai concludes, "and might be thinking that the pressure upon him has relaxed. The current offensive proves to him that this would be a mistake on his part. Hopefully he will realize that Israel knows how to fight on two fronts at once, and that the pressure on him is only getting stronger."

Amit Segal of Channel 12 explained succinctly that we are finally seeing an answer to the long-asked question of how Israel envisions the "day after" the war in Gaza: "It will be many years, or forever, before Gaza has a lack of masculine fighting power between the ages of 18 to 35, or of weapons that can threaten us such as rifles or pistols. It therefore seems that Israel will have to enter Gaza [periodically]."

"But the difference this time is that we see that the IDF is making clear that after it leaves, neither the PA nor Hamas will replace it. What is happening is that we are emptying out areas. Jebalya is a large area, but it is not all of northern Gaza. It is therefore a perfect place for a pilot case: All the residents are removed, and are then returned in a filtered manner – residents yes, terrorists no. We then encircle the area, while inside it remain [in charge] only the humanitarian aid organizations."

First Time in America: No More "West Bank"

by 0404 news, translated by Hillel Fendel.

A city in Florida has passed a municipal council decision that the Biblical areas of Judea and Samaria, in modern-day Israel, will no longer be referred to by the phrase "West Bank." Mayor Larisa Svechin of Sunny Isles (pop. 22,000) led the way for the decision, under which the areas will be known only as "Judea and Samaria." 

The difference is that the name "West Bank" implies that the area is known only for having been captured by Israel from the Kingdom of Jordan, and ignores its Jewish history as the Biblical areas of Judea and Samaria. 

The city's decision followed an official visit to Florida by Yossi Dagan, the head of the Shomron Regional Council. In addition to meetings with Congressmen and others, he met with Mayor Svetchin. She apparently did not need much convincing; her bio on the city's website states that she is "a fierce advocate for democracy and is unapologetically Zionist. She unequivocally stands with Israel forever."

Explaining the decision, which is a first in the United States, Mayor Svetchin said, "The time has come that we adapt ourselves to the truth. The historic name of this area is Judea and Samaria, not the West Bank. Using the right term is not just a matter of [geographic] accuracy, but rather respect for the historic and Biblical connection of the Jewish Nation to the land. This decision reflects the solidarity between the residents of Sunny Isles and Israel, and shows our deep understanding and recognition of Israel's historic roots, which echo strongly within our community."

Council head Dagan congratulated the city and its mayor on its historic decision, and asked that Svetchin promote a similar initiative in the United States Congress. "The words West Bank should be deleted in all official U.S. texts, to be replaced by Judea and Samaria immediately," he said. "This historic and important decision in Sunny Isles should set the direction for all those for whom human history is important and who are not willing to accept the trampling of the truth."

Mayor Svetchin said that "standing up for truth is not just a powerful deed, but also has a wave effect. When one locale chooses courageously to speak the truth, this arouses others to do the same, and creates a wave of integrity and courage."

Dagan explained that the using the words "West Bank" – i.e., the western bank of the Jordan River border between Israel and Jordan – is actually a deception. "It seeks to imply that these areas are occupied by Israel, when in fact they are the cradle of the Bible and the heart of hearts of the Jewish Nation. Many of the most important events in the history of the Jewish People happened there: those of the Shilo tabernacle, of the Judges, and the Kings of Israel. In addition, the Patriarch Abraham entered the Promised Land here, his descendants lived here, Joshua built the Altar here, the Patriarchs and Matriarchs are buried here, and more and more."

Dagan thanked Mayor Svetchin, "who has courageously pioneered and became the first to take this decision, and I am sure it will soon become the norm in the Western world that sees itself as a fighter for truth and justice."

A Great Chance for Major Change in Iran and the Middle East

Based on an article by Brig.-Gen. (res.) Tzvika Chaimovich, translated by Hillel Fendel.

"This is the beginning of the end of the accursed Iranian regime." – Israeli Cabinet Minister Zohar

This past April 14th was a defining event in Israel's decades-long struggle with its enemies. After years of threats and scares from Iran, the Islamic Republic finally let the shoe drop in response to Israel's assassination of a high-ranking terrorist in the regime's Revolutionary Guards. Iran fired off, in three waves, a total of more than 300 cruise missiles, ballistic missiles, and drones towards Israel. The damage and injuries caused were minor. 

But once this barrier was broken, the path to a second Iranian strike was much easier and quicker. It happened tonight [Thursday], a half-year after the first one – but with greater fury. Given the condition in which Hizbullah finds itself after Israel all but wiped out its leadership, it was clear to Iran that it would have to react much more strongly this time. Though the number of rockets was lower, approximately 180, there was barely a locale in Israel that was not targeted. 1,864 air-raid sirens were sounded throughout the country in the space of an hour and a half.

The results, again, were not proportionate to the effort: One Arab from Gaza was killed in Jericho, and three Israelis were lightly wounded.

With this attack, our direct war against Iran entered a new phase, which will accompany us for a long time to come. Israel's response will be put to the test – to be checked throughout the Middle East and even the world – and it must be more powerful than the last time. 

Israel's air force has been quite occupied over the past year on several fronts. But there is no doubt that Thursday night's rocket attacks from Iran have been the most challenging offensive we have faced. Our defenses will never be hermetic, but we know that if we are hit even just a bit, it could lead to a decline in morale and confidence in our army. 

Our fight against Iran – an international superpower in its ballistic rocket capabilities – is a complex one, and demands a regional response, combining both Israel's abilities and those of the coalition.

After the two Iranian missile attacks, in April and now, it can be said that Iran has chosen to respond to Israel in an extreme and aggressive manner. There is no doubt that the Israeli-led events of the past few weeks pushed Iran into a corner that "compelled" it to act with full force. Is Iran reading correctly the expected responses of both Israel and the United States? 

On the one hand, Iran announced late last night that its vengeance for whatever it was avenging was completed, and that if Israel wants to invite more vengeance by attacking now, it is welcome to do so. Israel, on the other hand, so far shows no signs of backing down – and it is likely that that we are facing an opportunity to change the entire Middle East reality in a most significant manner. This is true specifically in Iran, which is responsible for the Axis of Evil that includes Syria, Hizbullah, Hamas, the Houthis, and more. 

Special Add-on: 

Excerpted comments after the Iranian attack 

"Iran made a very great mistake tonight, and it will pay for it. Whoever attacks us, we will attack back." – Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu

"When Iran is finally free – and that moment will come a lot sooner than people think…" – Netanyahu, in a post-attack video address to the People of Iran

"We don't yet know the ramifications for Iran [of this attack]… I will talk about with Netanyahu." – paraphrased remarks of US President Joe Biden. The White House issued a statement stating there would be very grave consequences for Iran.

Perhaps most significant of all was the statement by Cabinet Minister Miki Zohar, who said: "This was Iran's worst mistake ever, and it will a pay a very high price. This is the beginning of the end of the accursed Iranian regime."

Ynet commentator Amichai Atali wrote: "We may not suffice with anything less than the removal of the Iranian threat… The Iranian attack tonight provided us with a perfect opportunity and justification for carrying out that which is so very indicated: to once and for all take out Iran's ability to harm us… If Iran is allowed to develop nuclear weapons, Israel will become a country unworthy of inhabitation. If our government does not take the right steps now, but rather suffices with token moves, it will enable Iran to keep on marching towards destroying Israel, its stated goal."

The Difference Between a Rabbi and a Politician

by Rabbi Avraham Wasserman, Yeshivat Ramat Gan and Givatayim, Besheva, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Elections for the next Chief Rabbis of Israel, who serve for a ten-year term, are to be held next week. No Chief Rabbi over the past 30 years has had a religious-Zionist outlook, and the religious-Zionist movement set a goal for itself to ensure that one of its leading rabbis be elected for the post of Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi. However, a possibly broken promise and a glut of candidates had complicated the matter. Rabbi Wasserman of Givatayim places the issue in Halakhic perspective.

A. The question of who will be the religious-Zionist candidate(s) for Chief Rabbis occupies the thoughts and concerns of many in and out of the religious-Zionist sector. On this matter it would be edifying to cite the distinction formulated by Israel's first Chief Rabbi, Rav Yitzchak Herzog, in defining the desired interface between a rabbi and a politician.

In the early days of the State, an important bill under consideration in the Knesset and the public was the Sabbath Law. The bill was slated to forbid all public transportation in the country, except, for various reasons, in the city of Haifa. One reason for exempting Haifa was because of the many workers in the Shemen factory - which was open on the Sabbath - who needed transportation to and from work.

The rabbis of Haifa were up in arms and demanded that their city be included in the law. However, the Mapai party people refused, and it appeared that the law would be toppled altogether, thus paving the way for public Sabbath transportation throughout the country. Rav Herzog expressed himself on the matter as follows [paraphrased]: "A rabbi has no dispensation whatsoever to concede even the slightest bit on the matter of Sabbath observance, and therefore is not permitted to agree to this law allowing transportation on the Sabbath. However, the religious Knesset Members can be relied upon to legislate the best law possible to preserve the sanctity of the Sabbath and its observance under the present conditions." This of course meant that Haifa would be excluded from the ban, while Sabbath in the rest of the country would benefit.

This of course raises a fundamental question: Along the lines of a "Shabbos goy," are the religious MKs to be considered "legislative goyim?" Are there different Halakhic standards for a rabbi and for G-d-fearing politicians?

The answer is that a distinction must be made between a rabbinic statement that sets out the Halakhic principle, and the manner in which this principle is put into practice. A rabbi can never agree to Sabbath desecration, even if he feels that it will save most of the country. This is because his stance represents the Torah position.

However, the function of a Knesset Member is to promote the sanctity of the Sabbath in practice in accordance with the tools, capabilities and conditions he is given and faces. Politics is the art of implementing that which can be implemented, and this is often done via compromise – while leaving the spiritual principle unharmed. (I expand upon this in my book "Your Neighbor as Yourself," pages 229-230.)

B. On the subject of the Chief Rabbinate: There is no way rabbis can make a final ruling on matter currently under consideration, for another reason. It is because each candidate is backed by important rabbis. As such, each candidate is worthy. The politicians, however, must consider the practical considerations of which candidate is most likely to be chosen, and thus they will choose him as the religious-Zionist candidate. The question now before us is how to attain the situation that the new Chief Rabbi will be a great Torah scholar, a man of experience in the Rabbinate and in public leadership, who manifests in his personality and his actions the spiritual and practical conception of HaRav Kook, the founder of Israel's Chief Rabbinate. This conception is "Klal Yisrael"-oriented, as opposed to focusing on one part or another of the populace, and seeks to work with the Divine process of the nation's revival in its Land after two millennia of exile. The results of this conception are clearly manifest in the world of Jewish Law and spiritual influence.

However, the rabbis, having stated the Halakhic principles involved, are less qualified than the politicians in terms of how to achieve this goal. For the politics of the issue are understood primarily by those who engage in it.

This is our opportunity to remind ourselves that yes, our religious-Zionist public and its representatives must be very proactive in promoting its own candidates. We need not be so genteel as to say that we don't want to push and promote our own Torah outlook. If we do so, our own students and yeshivot will not be appropriately represented, and the mosaic of the Rabbinic world will be missing an important shade and tone.

C. During these turbulent times, we must be especially circumspect regarding the Honor of Torah – which is something more fundamental and important than even the study of Torah itself! (See Talmud, Tractate Megillah.) All of the candidates are Torah scholars whom we are obligated to honor and respect.

It is not appropriate for a politician to criticize one of the candidates in the name of the world of Jewish Law and Ethics. The business of politicians is politics, and they are not authorities on Jewish Law and Ethics. This is also true of everyone who is not on the highest level of Torah knowledge.

We must hope and pray for G-d's will to be expressed via the representatives of the electoral body, and may the merit of Rav Kook stand at their side.

From Tactical Success To Strategic Victory

by Emanuel Shilo, editor of the weekly Besheva newspaper, translated by Hillel Fendel.

This article was written just after the brilliant Beeper/pager attacks (for which Israel has not accepted responsibility), and a few days before the Israel Air Force's current massive assault on homes and other buildings in which Hizbullah stored tens of thousands of missiles ready for launching towards Israel. Author Emanuel Shilo, editor of the weekly Besheva newspaper, explains here, before it happened, the strategy and rationale behind the war that Israel has apparently embarked upon against Hizbullah.

--Israel must utilize to its full advantage the substantial damage and upheaval suffered by the terrorist organization Hizbullah and launch an attack that will deal it a fatal blow and enable the residents of the north to return to their homes as soon as possible. This time, a genuine and decisive resolution is needed to the problem of Hizbullah, and not just temporary deterrence.--

This past Tuesday, following the extraordinary, sophisticated, amazing and unprecedented operation of the detonation of thousands of beeper devices in the hands and on the bodies of thousands of Hizbullah terrorists, there were some who complained that the whole thing was a colossal waste.

For if Israel actually carried it out, as Hizbullah claims, how is it possible that Israel would activate such a powerful tool without following it with a large, intensive offensive that would actualize its gains? 

The second round of explosions, a day later, silenced the criticism to a certain degree. It reinforced the sense that there seems to be more here than meets the eye. It also gave us the feeling that the story was not yet over, and that we actually can rely on the mysterious operators of this event and that they know what they are doing. 

But still: We must not allow ourselves to return to our tranquility, blind trust, and complete credit that we tended to grant to the leaders of our security networks before Oct. 7th. The failure of that day was so terrible and so all-encompassing that no tactical success afterwards can exempt us from constant awareness and suspicions. 

Israel is good at military actions in which we take the initiative, whether with our Air Force, special units, or cyber warfare. We are less impressive at being prepared for surprises and deceptions on the part of the enemy, as we learned first-hand both on Yom Kippur in 1973 and on Simchat Torah of 2023. And, as we have seen during the ongoing campaign in Gaza, alongside our brilliant tactical successes, we suffer from the lack of a clear strategic plan for decisive victory.

Over the past several decades, our security establishment has excelled at, and became accustomed to, sending "messages" and "signals" to the enemy – instead of striking him with genuinely decisive blows. We tried to deter instead of defeat. We sought to change his intentions, instead of smashing his capabilities.

If that has changed, the burden of proof is on the leaders of our security establishment. They must show us that they have switched their diskette. Up to now, this does not appear to have been the case. They have brought great tactical successes, but the objectives of the war have not yet been met. It appears that they are seeking not victory, but some kind of arrangement with our enemies that will keep them alive, together with a deal for some – not all! – of our hostages, in exchange for hundreds of terrorists. 

The Israeli public, and especially those who are fighting our wars in the south and north and who have sacrificed so much, expects much more than that. They want the destruction of Hamas! The residents of our north, too, cannot be expected to return to their homes without a mortal blow to Hizbullah, and its distancing far away from our northern border with Lebanon, with a large buffer zone empty of Hizbullah. 

Hizbullah today, hours after the second wave of exploding devices, is reminiscent of the Biblical account of the men of Shechem on the third day of their not-quite-sincere circumcisions: They were "in pain," the Torah tells us, and the sons of Jacob took advantage to wipe out the threat they represented. Today, as well, we need a Shimon and Levi who will take sword in hand and go out to liquidate the enemy. In our current state, even their father Jacob [whose support for the actions of Shimon and Levi was ambivalent] would certainly whole-heartedly support this. 

POSTSCRIPT: As of Monday evening, the situation was that the Israel Air Force had attacked 1,300 targets in southern Lebanon in four waves, mostly residential homes that housed cruise missiles with a range of hundreds of kilometers, 1,000-kilogram explosive warhead rockets, and medium-range missiles of ranges between 50 and 200 kilometers. IDF Spokesman Daniel Hagari said that by hiding its rockets in two-thirds (!) of houses in southern Lebanon, Hizbullah had turned the area into a battle zone. "We face challenging days ahead," Hagari said.