The Threat Within: When Will the PA Turn its Guns on Judea and Samaria?

by David Alsbang, Spokesman for the Regavim Movement, translated by Hillel Fendel.

An ordinary morning on the roads of Judea and Samaria (Yesha): A white Palestinian Authority police jeep passes by an IDF checkpoint, the officers exchange a nod with the soldier at the post, and go along their way. To the naked eye, this is a picture of the effective and serene “security coordination” between the IDF and the PA. But behind the pressed uniforms and the old promises of the Oslo Accords lies a completely different reality: the reality of a Palestinian Authority army in the making, armed from head to toe, well-trained, and waiting for the signal to “turn its guns around.”

Thirty years have passed since the famous White House lawn handshakes and the launching of the Oslo Accords. The agreements were clear: The PA would have a limited civilian police force, armed with light weapons with which to preserve public safety in the PA cities. Perhaps slightly less formally, it was also designed to solve internal issues "without the Supreme Court and without [the left-wing civil rights organization] B'Tzelem," as then-Prime Minister Yitzchak Rabin said.

However, that's not quite the situation today. A new, disconcerting study by the Regavim Movement – which focuses on land use, construction, and Israeli state policy, particularly in Judea, Samaria, the Negev and the Galilee – reveals that the small police force has grown tremendously both in numbers and in military capabilities. Instead of the agreed-upon 12,000 policemen, we now see at least five times (!) that number, including in the paramilitary National Security, Preventive Security, General Intelligence, and Presidential Guard forces.

This is far from a civilian guard corps; it is on the scale of military divisions in every sense.   

The threat this presents is not just in numbers, but of course also in the quality and mindset of the PA forces. In the past we thought of the PA policemen as directing traffic in Ramallah and Shechem, but today we know their elite units are training for the bona-fide capture of military targets. Neither the commando units like “101” (yes, the name is not coincidental; this was Arik Sharon's special commando unit), which specializes in night warfare and raids, nor its fast motorcycle unit, are intended for fighting local crime. The same applies to the Jericho police training for parachuting, guerilla warfare, and the like, in places such as Russia and Pakistan.

And what of their hateful ideology of those holding and aiming the guns? It is no less dangerous than their military capabilities. In the PA's Al-Istiqlal University in Jericho – which offers academic degrees as it trains students in practical warfare – the students aren't exactly dreaming of "compromise" with Israel. On the official social media accounts of the military training wing, videos are posted under the heading “Blessed Friday” pining not for Bethlehem or Ramallah in Yesha, but for Haifa and Jaffa. Their uniforms signify for them only a temporary status until they can realize the ultimate goal of the “right of return” by force. The PA forces have formulated a clear military doctrine that sanctifies battle as a legitimate tool for eliminating the "occupation" from the river to the sea.

The ongoing security coordination with Israel is basically for the purpose of guaranteeing the flow of money to the PA. Last year's declaration by PA chief Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) of the end of the "pay for slay" program – by which terrorists, or their surviving families, receive life-long salaries for their murderous actions – is basically a sham. A U.S. State Department report presented to Congress states categorically that these PA payments have not at all stopped. Hundreds of millions of dollars are paid out via a "Welfare Authority" that was established specifically to provide funding to terrorists and their families.

A PA policeman knows with confidence that the day he decides to "reverse his gun" and shoot Israeli civilians or soldiers, he and his family will have no more financial worries throughout their lives. Together with the murderous ideology he has been taught since childhood, this is the type of motivation in the back of the mind of every future enemy PA policeman/terrorist.

The writing has long been not just on the wall, but is already engraved in blood. Over the past five years, more than 110 cases have been documented of PA policemen setting out to perpetrate terrorism against Jews. They are invariably killed in the process, leading to ceremonious, PA-sponsored military funerals and the naming of schools and streets for them so that their "heroism" can be remembered by future generations.

The State of Israel has absolutely no choice but to finally awaken from its self-imposed captivity to the false conceptions of "security coordination" and imaginary quiet on the PA front. The assumption that someone else will do the security work for us has proven historically dangerous time after time. The reversal of the guns is no theoretical danger; it has happened in the past, and is simmering in the present. We do not enjoy the privilege of treating a potential ideological enemy of myriads of well-trained and well-equipped soldiers as a far-off scenario.

The question is not whether the threat exists, but when we will wake up to it.

Translator's note: The IDF's large-scale operations against terrorist infrastructures in Jenin and elsewhere, beginning in January 2025 with Operation Iron Wall, saw great success in degrading terrorist capabilities in Yesha – but these had nothing to do with the potential threat from the PA police. In fact, PA security forces actually took part in a small number of battles, and the IDF even briefly considered handing over some of these terrorist areas to PA police control. This precisely supports the premise of this article, which is that the IDF is not taking the threat from the PA police forces themselves sufficiently seriously.