Elections in Israel: The Majority that Became a Minority

by Avi Greentzeig, journalist and political strategist, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Clearly, last week's elections, and their results, have aroused many more questions than answers. For instance: Did Netanyahu win, in that he received the support of a majority of the Jewish electorate, or did he lose, for not being able to form a nationalist government?

Or, consider the Shas party: Aryeh Deri, founder and long-time leader of the Sephardic religious-hareidi party is considering resigning, after Shas dropped from 11 Knesset seats to 7. How did this happen, and is Deri to blame?

[The Arab parties, which received an all-time high representation in the Knesset of 19 seats – will they be able to repeat this achievement if new elections are held soon? Or will the reports of voting "irregularities" and Qatari funding obviate this result next time? Note that nearly 1,000 votes for these parties have already been disqualified.]

In my opinion, the main story is not who won, but rather who lost, and the change-of-story that has resulted.

Until now, the sector often known as "liberal secular," represented across the spectrum by Yair Golan on the left to Avigdor Lieberman on the right, has basically felt that it is the majority here. In fact, in all Israeli governments up to but not including the outgoing one, this group had representation and influence, in addition to the numerous power centers it holds, such as the judicial system, the media, academia, and large sectors of the capital market and high-tech.

In last week's election, this group mobilized the maximum possible power for its victory. It legitimized Bennett and Lieberman, both of whom were not long ago quite high on its enemies list; it flew in tens of thousands of voters from abroad; it organized itself for Election Day efficiently so as not to waste a single vote; and it invested heavily in an aggressive campaign to lure many voters who otherwise would not have been expected to support it.

Above all, it enjoyed impressive starting conditions – primarily in relation to the hot issues on the table, such as the military draft issue and the Oct. 7th commission of inquiry or lack thereof. In addition, there were not insignificant levels of right-wing disappointment and frustration with the Netanyahu government. Haredi voters were not enthusiastic about going out to vote, the Noam party made a conscious decision to burn religious-Zionist votes, and several other groups in that sector decided to switch sides for various reasons.

But all that didn't help – and for the first time in Israel's history, this group is beginning to grasp that it is actually a minority. Pre-election polls gave it close to a majority in the Knesset, or at least in the neighborhood of 56, when in fact it reached only 48. It has only three choices for a political alliance if it wants to return to power: the Arabs, the hareidi public, or the religious-Zionist public. Each of these sectors on its own would give Eisencott-Bennett-Lapid-Lieberman a working majority of the Knesset. Are any of them realistic scenarios?

Regarding the Arabs: Given that support for terrorism and a Palestinian state is a very large if not absolutely major part of their platforms, and that this not expected to change in the coming decades, no Zionist party that seeks to survive another election campaign will agree to such a partnership.

The religious-Zionist public should potentially be a good choice. This camp shares with the "Just-not-Bibi!" camp cultural closeness, as well as Zionism and nationalism in general, and even the "covenant of those who serve" [in the army]. However, the obstacle is that the Smotrich-Ben Gvir camp is not willing to settle for minor roles in the government. The days have long gone when it agreed to have control only over of the Ministry of Religious Affairs. It is simply not likely that Yair Golan will agree to Smotrich's construction and housing plans in Judea and Samaria, that Lapid will agree to gender-segregation in the army, and that Bennett will return again to the conservative views he held when he headed the Yesha Council. All this will not happen.

The least-unlikely option, then, is that the secular-liberal camp will join up with the haredim – a sector that has few demands beyond its own autonomous issues. The problem, of course, is that even this narrow space was one of the core issues of the campaign. Is it in any way possible that a coalition agreement can be drawn up that would enable the haredi sector to avoid full-scale recruitment into the IDF? This, after all, is precisely what Bennett and partners have been screaming about for months and years.

And yet, a scenario of this type appears very rational at this point. Yes, there has been talk of a national unity government, but this is not likely to happen without Eisencott first trying to form a narrow coalition.

If none of the above materialize – and keep in mind that neither the Arabs, nor the hareidim, nor the religious-Zionists have expressed particular interest in joining Eisencott and crew – new elections are likely. If this happens, my prediction is that the liberal secular camp will lose even more decisively – and will lead to even more of a "revolution" than the 1977 elections were [when the Likud first came to power]. You heard it here first!

Naftali Bennett: For Israel's Sake – Time to Renege on Your Campaign Promise not to Join a Netanyahu Gov't

by Dr. Amir Kitron, Director-General of Isbei Kedem, translated by Hillel Fendel.

An open letter to former PM and former Yesha Council leader Naftali Bennett, whose party won 11-12 seats in this week's election and is counted in the anti-Bibi camp. The letter is long and therefore here condensed.

Dear Naftali, 

I voted for you every time you ran, except for this most recent election. I believe you that you are guided by what you believe would benefit the State of Israel. Even when you decided to establish a government with [the Arab party] Ra'am, I understood that you felt that the alternative was yet another election campaign, following four previous ones in less than two years, with no end in sight to the political paralysis and the lack of a national budget.

I wasn't happy when you were attacked in the Knesset, when you were called a traitor, liar, and crook. It's clear that in politics, sometimes, for the sake of the country, one has to break election promises. Binyamin Netanyahu, too, broke promises in the past, and sometimes he had justified reasons. 

I have no doubt that you were very hurt by the protests outside your home, by the personal attacks against you, and by the way in which your coalition government fell apart [with the resignation, under outside pressure, of MKs from your party].

But politics often involves competition, power struggles, and disappointments. Leaders sometimes fight against those who seek to inherit them. This was the case even with King Saul against David, among others. History teaches that alliances change, rivals become partners, and sometimes the path to getting things done requires cooperation with surprising associates. 

This is what happened with you, in 2020. You made a political alliance with Yair Lapid and a sector that was not previously part of your "base," and later you adopted some of its messages; you even coined the term "covenant of those who serve" [as opposed to those who avoid army service].

Your success in connecting with a sector that is wary of hareidim, settlers, and Likud supporters is valuable. That sector, too, is a precious part of Am Yisrael, and you were never detached from it: You met them during your army service, in the hi-tech world, and in your personal life. Now after you have once again acquired political capital, you are in a unique position. You bear the confidence of a public that previously did not see you as its representative, and have strong familiarity with the nationalist camp in which you grew up. This gives you the chance that not every political leader receives: to renew ties between camps that have grown apart.

Naftali, Israel faces many external dangers, including Iran, Lebanon, and terrorism within Judea and Samaria. But internally, as well, there is what to be concerned about regarding the rise of those who negate critical fundamentals of Israel's identity as a Jewish state. There are those who support the "return" of hundreds of thousands of Arabs who lived here before 1948, who wish to change Israel's national character, and who legitimize those who massacre our citizens. This is especially concerning when we see that these positions are held by leaders of political movements [such as the Arab parties in the Knesset].

Without placing historic responsibility upon an entire public, we know that we cannot be complacent. We must face head-on the dangers of ideological incitement and hostility. We must treat with the utmost severity expressions of support for terrorists, commemorations of murderers, and education to incitement. Such phenomena cannot be tolerated, especially when they are backed by public officials.

At the same time, there are some other grave problems [in the Arab sector] that cannot be overlooked: Rampant illegal construction, organized crime, hoards of illegal weapons, and lack of governance with parts of the country, especially the Negev. These problems require firm action on the part of the government. A Jewish, democratic Israel must be able to protect its identity, its sovereignty, and its citizens' security, without ceding the rule of law and the rights of all its citizens.

Naftali, your parents went out to protest against the Oslo Accords with great self-sacrifice, and they taught you love of the Land and commitment to the future of the State. I believe that these values still guide you, even if your political path has changed. Standing before you now is the opportunity to prove that it is possible to rise above the grievances of the past. Do you have within you the strength to break yet another political promise - the promise to boycott Netanyahu – but this time for the sake of national Zionist unity?

I know how difficult this mission is. I know that the wounds of the past have not yet healed, and that the lack of trust between the camps is very great. But if you were able to cross the political lines in the past and form a government with partners you never dreamed of, why shouldn't you be able to do this again – but this time, in order to unite the broad Zionist camp?

Use your experience and capabilities to form alliances. Recruit your current partners, and together find a way to a genuine Zionist outline for unity. What we need is unity not "against" Bibi, but "for" Likud voters, centrist voters, religious-Zionist and hareidi voters, as well as liberal and secular voters. 

We need unity that will recognize that national service is not expressed only in the military, but also in Zaka, in Ezer MiZion, Chabad in Israel and around the world. All of these are part of the mosaic of the Jewish People. The "covenant of those who serve" that you speak of can be expanded to all spheres of national responsibility and mutual commitment.

Argue – But Work Together

This does not mean that there will not be disagreements. You can still argue about policy, leadership, the judicial network, and the future of Yesha, and you can even continue to criticize Netanyahu. But these disputes must not prevent us from cooperating vis-à-vis our common challenges.

All I ask, Naftali, is to utilize the political daring you showed in the past – and this time, for the sake of bringing our political camps closer. You have shown that you can surprise the political establishment and do what others thought was impossible. Has the time not come to do it again? Who knows if this is not your destiny!

Israeli-Arabs Upon Us? Waking Up Before It's Too Late

by Hadar Miller, media personality and former Associate Deputy Mayor in Lod (written for the religious zionist periodical - Matzav Haruach), translated by Hillel Fendel.

Just last week, we marked the third anniversary of the Simchat Torah massacre. These were days of poignant soul-searching, of immense pain - and of drawing necessary conclusions for the future. We succeeded, it appeared, in awakening not only as a nation, but also in our government and our security agencies. The misguided conceptions of many years were shattered, and we understood much more clearly the type of cruel enemies we were facing, and on how many different fronts. We realized that we could no longer sweep the threats under the carpet, and that imaginary quiet does not provide genuine security. 

But there is still one front that to which we have not awakened, and it is possibly the most dangerous, explosive, and complex of all. It is the danger of the hundreds of thousands of illegal weapons flowing unhindered within the Israeli-Arab public. We're talking about an insane arsenal of shoulder missiles, M-16 and Kalachnikov rifles, and hosts of other advanced weapons.  

Do we not remember the discovery of a portable unguided missile and launcher in a children's nursery in Lod in two years ago? The nursery, thankfully, was closed at the time for the Passover holiday, but it is located adjacent to major highways and Ben Gurion Airport. The implications are chilling.

I experienced the Arab riots of May '21 on my own flesh. To put it simply, they tried to murder me. When I speak of the weapons on the Israeli-Arab street, I know very well what I'm talking about. It was then that I woke up to the depth of the problem. [Translator's note: That very month, the author resigned from the Lod Municipality governing coalition, saying she could not sit together with an Arab member who took part in a march calling for "blood and fire to redeem the shahid."]

Ever since then, I have been crying out that the riots of those days were just a small promo of what the future holds, even without the much greater means of destruction the Arab public now has. It could be that those who do not live with the threat from up close do not realize its full extent. But the simple fact is that the police, with all due appreciation, do not have the ability and means to deal with an extreme scenario of myriads of armed Arabs. And of course, even worse is the frightening prospect of coordination between the Arabs of Judea and Samaria and those of Israel, in which case the Jewish towns and cities of central Israel would face an immediate and absolute threat. 

Beyond Criminal

There is a dangerous tendency to treat the mountains of weapons in Arab hands as a "criminal" issue. Every time there is a shootout in Arab population centers – not an infrequent occurrence – the police release a statement ending with, "The incident was of a criminal nature," i.e., not terrorist. Nothing could be more ostrich-like. A fundamental principle in political thought is that whoever holds the weapons, holds the power. Just about a month ago, we saw how the Arabs of Majd al-Krum [in the Galilee, west of Carmiel] threw out a law-abiding shepherd from Jewish JNF lands, simply because he was Jewish. They did it because their weapons enabled them to do it.

The fact is that inter-Arab violence in Israel continues to be very costly: Well over 180 Arabs were killed so far this year, following last year's record high of 252 murders. If the police and Shabak would treat every shooting in the Arab public as if a Jew had been killed, we could start talking about a solution to the problem. 

The legal framework required to cleanse Arab localities of weapons is already in place. What's lacking is the armed or even military force to do so, and even more so, the motivation and daring. For no matter what, it takes a great deal of courage to confront the clucking of the global Left, which doesn't like strong enforcement against Arab crime in Israel and considers it "racist." This simply ignores the fact that the real racists are those who treat spilled Arab blood lightly.

One who thinks that we'll be able to take effective action only when Jews are the targets, is liable to find out, too soon, that it's already too late. 

We may no longer hide our eyes and pretend that the problem will be solved on its own. Nor may we rely on the police working alone to prevent a mass uprising in the heart of Israel. We must look the situation in the eye and realize that the broad strategic threat developing under our noses has nothing to do with maintaining routine law-and-order.

Now that we have remembered and commemorated the 7th of October, and been forced to take new stock of our approach to the threats we face on various fronts, the time has come to be truly strong and brave. We must take care of this dangerous problem right now, not later, thoroughly and without compromise. We can absolutely not afford to be caught once again by surprise – and this time, in the middle of Israel.

Europe Burns – But its Problem is Israel…

by Yossi Achimeir, Israeli journalist, former politician, and director-general of the Jabotinsky Institute. Translated by Hillel Fendel

"Slam Israel and Save Europe." That seems to be the hidden motto behind the recent attacks and sanctions waged by European countries on Israel. They actually seem to think that their acute problems can be solved by blaming Israel…

The scenes playing out on their city streets are reminiscent of the Intifada we experienced here in Israel. Paris and environs are ablaze, as massive mobs transform the City of Lights into a city of bonfires. Keffiyehs, PLO flags, clubs, stones, and posters in support of Hamas and the massacre it perpetrated on Oct. 7, 2023 – these are the sights there now. A "Third World" reality seems to have taken hold there and elsewhere. Yet, Prime Minister Macron, as well as his counterparts from Spain, Belgium, England, Ireland, and the Netherlands, are primarily concerned with the so-called "genocide" in Gaza. Yes, their leaders did shed some crocodile tears when the October 7 massacre happened, but have sharply changed direction since then.

Dutch Prime Minister Jetten recently stated that "the region has deteriorated into a cycle of conflict and suffering. Tens of thousands of innocent Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli army since the Hamas attack. The consequences of all this violence are deeply felt even today." 

Then Oslo strikes us once again by awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to an Israel-hater from South Africa. Wasn't Arafat's "peace" enough for them? [Arafat, too, often considered the father of modern-day terrorism, was awarded a Nobel Peace Prize in 1994.]

What can explain why so much of Europe has turned against us? Latent anti-Semitism that cannot be contained, hatred of Israel, jealousy of its achievements, and an escape route from burning domestic problems – these are certainly most of it. We must also add the well-oiled Arab propaganda that is eagerly consumed in the many, if not most, increasingly-Islamic countries. Their gates have been opened wide, as is well-known, to absorb masses of immigrants from Asia and Africa, most of whom are fanatic Muslims darkening the "enlightened" continent.

France is no longer the same France we knew, nor are England and Spain, and even the Netherlands, to our great disappointment, has changed its stripes.

European hypocrisy is all the rage in these countries. England, for instance, still enforces its claims over the Falkland Islands, south of South America some 8,000 miles away. [Translator's Note: The 1982 British offensive there cost the lives of over 900 people, mostly Argentinians. And when Indonesia sought its independence in 1945, the Dutch responded with a four-year war that involved great violence and killed between 100,000 and 300,000 Indonesians.] 

Holland also still claims some Caribbean islands. Yet these imperialist countries still insist that Israel must retreat from its own historic and defensively-imperative territories within its own borders and permit the establishment of an enemy state. Double standard, anyone?

Of course, the island of Curaçao, near Puerto Rico, is happy with its status as an autonomous country under Dutch defense and diplomatic control, and the populace of the Falklands is similarly pleased with its self-government under the auspices of the British kingdom. But does Europe really believe, or care, whether the Palestinians suffice with the autonomy that the currently have?

It is well-known that behind the PA demands for a full-fledged state, even if currently only in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, is their declared intention to destroy and replace the Jewish state altogether. If Europeans dream of peace between Israel and the Palestinians, they are living in a Virtual Reality – perhaps because they think they won't exactly miss Israel if it would actually disappear.

Let us tell Europe most directly: The thousands of dead Gazans is the fault of Hamas and no one else! Hamas is the entity that brought such great catastrophes upon both Israel and the Gazan populace. From the day we disengaged from Gaza in 2005, Hamas has been preparing for Oct. 7th by acquiring weapons, building tens of miles of concrete tunnels, training Nukhba terrorists, and indoctrinating their youth.

Yes, Hamas succeeded in surprising Israel. But they did not take into account our determination to fight back and actually defeat them. That is, they should have known what would be our response, but they did not care. And just as they did then, they continue to oppress their people without mercy. A wild mob streamed behind thousands of Nukhba terrorists to loot and burn out communities in Gaza. And now Hamas is taking advantage of our strong military response to spread poisonous lies against Israel.

After Israel willingly left Gaza with hope in our hearts – as misplaced as it was – and was then forced to absorb and repel the murderous massacre, it is now stands accused by the Dutch Prime Minister of genocide?? He and everyone else should understand that there are no innocent bystanders in Gaza, and for their own sake, they should begin planning their emigration, as President Trump originally foresaw.

A deep friendship existed between Israel and Holland during certain time periods over the last several decades. But the sad truth is that this relationship was apparently built upon the weakest of foundations - beginning with Dutch citizens who turned their Jewish neighbors over to the Nazis, and continuing now with the sanctions that Holland is placing against Israeli goods made in Judea and Samaria. Their willful blindness to the truth, and the Dutch government's joining the hate-Israel camp, will not be forgiven them. Our Foreign Minister Gideon Saar is to be commended for responding appropriately and firmly to the anti-Israel stance of Amsterdam and other European governments.

Will Spain's hostility towards Israel change when its government is replaced? And after Macron is replaced in France, will France return to a more balanced position? Perhaps. Meanwhile, let us not be deterred or alarmed by the anti-Israeli campaign accompanying the deterioration of so many European countries. Israel is strong enough to stand up not only to the terrorist organizations in these nations, but also against the propaganda lies disseminated about us from near and far.

Israeli Concessions and International Legitimacy

by Dr. Erez Shoshani, International Relations Lecturer at Ruppin Academic Center, translated by Hillel Fendel.

The public discourse around the recently-released anti-Israel movie NAZA (Collateral Damage) is a distraction from the very root of the problem that the movie expresses.

That is, the discussion should not be whether the citizenship of the Israeli directors should be revoked, or whether they should rather be praised for interviewing 24 anonymous Israeli military and intelligence personnel who say they were involved in operations in Gaza and accuse the IDF of apathy to "collateral" civilian deaths there.

Rather, this very debate shows the consequences of the ongoing Israeli misconception that our concessions, withdrawals and gestures lead to international legitimacy for our attempts to defend ourselves.

This mistake has accompanied us for decades. For instance, when the Knesset was presented with the proposed unilateral withdrawal from Gaza (the Disengagement) in October 2004, the proponents maintained strongly that it would lead to international support for any Israeli self-defense actions that we might need to take as a result.

This of course did not happen. What should have been obvious at the time, but is certainly obvious now, is that there is no way that a democracy such as Israel can deal with cruel terrorists who use their own populace as human shields, without facing acute international criticism. Already in 2009, the UN's Goldstone Report [later largely retracted by its lead author, to no avail] accused Israel of war crimes during Operation Cast Lead a year earlier. It stated that actions such as dropping warning pamphlets in advance of an attack, and other similar warnings, are not sufficient prior to anti-terrorist attacks if civilians will be hurt, and that such offensives must therefore not be carried out.

Furthermore, given that the world is given to the shackles of systemic anti-Semitism, as reflected time and again in Anti-Defamation League surveys, it should have been clear to all that no withdrawal or other Israeli peace gesture would legitimize in international eyes any Israeli military action resulting in significant numbers of civilian casualties.

Accusations of Israeli genocide in Gaza became rampant throughout the world following the Oct. 7th Hamas massacre of over 1,200 Israeli civilians – despite documented findings by many leading research institutes in Israel and around the world that totally negate these conclusions.

In short, the approach by which we seek to arouse support for our actions to wipe out our terrorist enemies by highlighting our attempts to make peace, has been shown to be a failure. The Oslo Agreements signed nearly 35 years ago, the Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon, and the Disengagement, all show that these withdrawals do not build our esteem in international eyes.

Quite on the contrary. They provide a backwind on steroids for Palestinian terrorism against Israel, culminating with the massacre of Oct. 7, 2003. And then, when Israel takes counter-action to protect its citizens, the result is not international acceptance, but rather accusations of genocide and the employment of sanctions.

Israelis who continue to insist even now that Israel must withdraw from Gaza, and other areas, are simply ignoring the historic reality of recent decades. 

Israeli Elections: The Losing Strategy of the Anti-Netanyahu "Change" Alliance

by Michael Sparber, member of the Judea & Samaria forum, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Israel will be holding national elections three weeks from now. If the "Change" coalition – the alliance of parties ranging from the extreme left (Yair Golan) to the extreme right (Avigdor Lieberman) whose exclusive shared goal is to oust Binyamin Netanyahu – loses these elections, let them not complain that the nation was fooled, or is immature, or does not understand. If they lose, it's because they simply don't understand what the nation wants. 

It is the "Change" bloc itself that seems to be out of touch. It does not grasp that much of the nation feels that though the current government failed us (even if only partially, together with significant achievements), it still sees the alternative being offered to it as even worse. 

It's possible to be angry at Netanyahu, to demand that he take responsibility and even resign – without wanting to return to the very policies that brought us to where we are now.

The people who feel this way are precisely the public that the Change bloc is missing. They are those who want more determination and initiative on the part of the government, and less dependency on others; they are angry at the government for not finishing the job in Gaza as it promised to do. But the opposition hears only the anger, and is convinced that whoever is upset at Netanyahu will vote for them. 

I have news for them: That is not the case. 

Consider what the opposition is offering us. Gadi Eisencott, the former IDF Chief of Staff whose party now presents the biggest electoral threat to the Likud, supported in the midst of the war the renewal of permits for Palestinian workers to enter Israel – as if he had learned nothing from past experience! And when asked if he would partner with the Arab party headed by Mansour Abbas, he could not provide a clear answer. Is that what he thinks the public wants now?

And what about Lieberman? He now proposes a Jordanian police force to run Palestinian civilian affairs in Areas A and B, alongside Israeli security control. Is this his great solution – Jordanians in Tul Karem and Kalkilye adjacent to Route 6, Netanya and Kfar Saba?! He promises to cancel Oslo, yet still wants to rely on others to take responsibility for our security. 

And then there is Naftali Bennett. This former Yesha Council leader has already assured us that "in the end, Areas A and B will be part of the Palestinian autonomy." Does he not understand that this is the opposite of what the many voters who wish to break out of Oslo want to see? Does he not see that his partnership with Lapid, Golan, and the others appears to many to be a repeat of what he did five years ago when his right-wing voters found themselves having chosen the head of a left-wing government predicated on the support of an Arab party?! 

Right-wing voters who want to replace Netanyahu are therefore rightly suspicious of those who call themselves right-wing yet propose policies that are far from it.

Yair Lapid, Bennett's senior partner, has proposed that Egypt run Gaza for 15 years and then pass it on to the Palestinian Authority after it has made "reforms." Golan says that Mansour Abbas is a legitimate government coalition partner. These are the leaders with whom Eisencott would like to form a government.

On the other hand, with all the anger at Netanyahu, we can see that in Judea and Samaria, his government has carried out major changes and improvements. In Jenin, Tul Karem and elsewhere, IDF forces are working against the terrorist infrastructures, remaining in place to prevent their rehabilitation. The policy changeover from "attacking, withdrawing, then waiting for the next round" to one of more initiative is clearly felt on the ground. And of course the establishment of over 100 new communities in Yesha (!) is a very welcome development; will a new Eisencott-Lapid government continue this approach?

All this does not mean that the public forgives Netanyahu for his failures. But it does mean that it wants his current policies and moves to be perpetuated, without reverting to the tried-and-failed policies of the left. Netanyahu has disappointed many, but his electoral opponents appear headed to disappoint them even more. If the "Change" bloc does not realize this, its defeat is all but guaranteed.

Containment is Not a Recipe for Victory

by Michael Sparber, member of the Judea & Samaria forum, translated by Hillel Fendel.

===Translator's note:
While the world, and particularly American public opinion, focuses on – and exaggerates unrestrainedly – supposed "settler violence," Israel continues to suffer from equally unrestrained murderous terrorism. Our newsletters have featured articles on the truth of the myth of "settler violence" – which we hope our readers disseminate widely – and we plan to continue to do so. In the meantime, please note that on Yom Kippur eve, a Jewish father of six and resident of the Shomrom community of N'vei Aliza was brutally gunned down by a Palestinian terrorist. The victim, in his last moments of life, was able to warn his 16-year-old son and thus save his life. This article deals with the manner in which Israel must wage the ongoing war against terrorism.

The question as to whether Kadri Samara, may his name be blotted out – the Palestinian terrorist who murdered Netanel Shukrun – should be executed (according to a new law passed in the Knesset mandating a death sentence in such cases) is an important one. But it once again puts the spotlight on our reaction to terrorism, instead of on the security and governmental faults that enabled the murder in the first place.

We would be advised not to ask only what to do with the murderer, but what do to prevent another one.

Here is the recent news item that so sadly and perfectly illustrates this failure: an announcement and warning by our Defense Minister, Yisrael Katz. He revealed that Israel has "information" on the possibility that Hamas will try to kidnap an Israeli soldier or citizen. Minister Katz then issued a threat: "If this happens, all of Gaza City will be evacuated and will be dealt with just as we dealt with [the terrorist-headquarter cities of] Rafah and Biet Hanoun."

Note the order: The intelligence exists, but our actions will happen only after the intelligence proves to be true: "If they abduct an Israeli, then we will take the strongest action. If they murder someone, we will execute. If they attack us, we will exact a heavy price."

There is nothing wrong with deterrence, or with threatening. The problem is how and when. Deterrence must happen before, not only after. We find ourselves having turned our threats into policy: The enemy takes the initiative, and we respond; he determines the attack, and we then set the punishment.

This is not the way to win. It's a way of managing the conflict, but it leaves no room for ending it.

Almost sixty years after the Six-Day War, the State of Israel has still not defined the situation it seeks to create in the face of Palestinian terrorism. Israel possesses a strong army, intelligence, the Shin Bet, and elite units. It knows how to arrest wanted persons, thwart terror cells, demolish houses, and find and kill or arrest terrorists almost anywhere and at any hour.

But these are tools. They are not policy.

Over the course of years, we have become accustomed to measuring success by the number of attacks thwarted, instead of by whether we are changing the reality that necessitates our preemptive actions. Another wanted terrorist is arrested, one more cell is thwarted, additional weapons are seized. A terrorist attack is committed, followed by a military operation, followed by some relative quiet – followed at some point or another by another attack. The cycle continues. And the responsibility to break it is not of the IDF or the Shin Bet. It is the responsibility of the political leadership.

And here we must point our finger directly at our current government, headed by Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. After Oct. 7 (Simchat Torah 2023), it no longer has the privilege of simply "managing" this conflict and its threats. The massacre of three years ago was the worst exemplification of the price to be paid for a policy that seeks to deter the enemy, to thwart him, and to exact prices from him – but to leave the threat that he represents still intact.

We can argue about the methods: about the PA, about sovereignty, security control, or whatever. What can't be done is to not decide. Because inaction and indecision is in itself a decision – to continue the same policies that have failed us in the past. 

And this is precisely what is happening when the government continues to threaten what it will do "if" and "after" – after the enemy murders and kidnaps and attacks. Our reactions are taking the place of ensuring that the enemy cannot continue its attacks.

If there is intelligence about a planned or intended kidnapping, then the first issue that must be dealt with is how to counter the enemy's ability to do so [which is, hopefully and presumably, precisely what our security organs were doing even as Minister Katz issued his threat - HF]. The infrastructures that produce terrorism must be dismantled before, not after, the next attack.
And if it is not only an infrastructure that must be taken down, but the entire reality that is enabling the terrorists to attack again and again, then the government and all its branches must deal strategically with how this reality is totally changed.

Containment is not a policy, but merely a way of gaining time between calamities. Similarly, capital punishment for a given terrorist is not the heart of the matter; it simply distracts us from actually changing the situation - and winning.

After October 7, we can no longer say that we don't know the potential cost of containment. A government that knows, understands, warns, and threatens – yet still continues to manage the same enemy threats, instead of deciding what to do with them, cannot be surprised when it repeatedly receives the same bitter, painful results.

Defeating terrorism begins where containment ends.

The Year that Changed Israel

by Yehuda Vald, Director-General of the Religious Zionism party.

We had an amazing insight while in the midst of anti-Hizbullah combat just a few days ago. We were waiting for the Oketz elite K-9 unit (which uses dogs specially trained to sniff out weapons, ammunition, or volatile chemical vapors from explosives and booby traps, and then sit in place to alert the fighters without detonating the explosives) to scan a house for explosive devices before our entry. I stood there, in the courtyard of a house in the heart of Lebanon, enwrapped in dust and sweat, on a mission to destroy terror infrastructures deep within the territory. I caught the eye of the fighter standing next to me and asked him: "Can you believe what's happening with us right now?"

He just looked at me, and I continued: "If I had told you three years ago that we would be 13 kilometers deep inside Lebanon, marching wherever we feel like, moving between houses and fields almost without fear, opening an operational position in a destroyed village – one of many dozens all along the border - and that on the route back, we would see Israeli flags waving along the roadsides with the city of Tyre in the background, what would you have said?"

It took him a few long seconds to change his perspective. I could see the magnitude of the historic event gradually come through to him – and then we received the order to move into the house and prepare it for destruction.

In the middle of battle in Lebanon, looking around at the big picture as the year of 5786 was drawing to a close, it must be said wholeheartedly: Israel's security situation has never been better. The reality created on the ground over the past year is nothing less than a strategic revolution.

Let's start here in the north: IDF forces have complete control deep inside Lebanon and are able to act freely all along the long border. Hizbullah, the terrorist organization that sat on our fences for decades, looming threateningly and murderously over our northern towns, has been systematically decimated. Thousands of its terrorist operatives have been killed, and the rest have been distanced tens of kilometers towards the north.

On our northeastern sector, Israeli outposts are stationed deep within Syrian territory, and the critically strategic Mt. Hermon Crown has become a strong built-up Israel outpost, fortified and protected.

In the south, Israel holds 60% of the Gaza Strip, from which so many murderous attacks emanated over the decades, and of course especially in 2023. Our brave and courageous soldiers man the Yellow Line (the north-south line that divides Gaza into IDF territory and that which is still controlled by Hamas), systematically gunning down anyone who nears the border, or who took part in the Simchat Torah massacre three years ago.

And of course, we cannot forget the head of the terror octopus seeking to attack Israel from every angle: Iran. Israeli forces carried out unbelievable missions precisely in the heart of Tehran; dozens of leading Iranian officials and military figures have been liquidated, including the leader himself, Ali Khameini. Working in tight cooperation with the United States, our forces destroyed infrastructures and headquarters, killed many terrorists, and landed a very heavy blow against Iran's nuclear installations.

Israel's recent strategic revolution is not confined merely to the security realm. In the realms of construction and the settlement enterprise as well, there has never been a Jewish presence as broad, deep, and significant in Judea and Samaria as there is today. Dozens of new communities, and over 100 farms, have been established throughout the territory, and we have even returned to the northern Shomron communities from which our fellow citizens were expelled during the days of the Disengagement 21 years ago.

In the north, often very close to the Lebanese border, new homes are being built and dozens of young families are joining these veteran pioneering communities. Kindergartens in Metula and Zar'it are once again teeming with life and children playing. To the south, in the Gaza envelope and the Tekuma region, hundreds of new couples and families are settling down, construction is in full swing, and the waiting lists only continue to grow longer.

The Israeli economy has revealed strength that surprised all the analysts. Despite nearly three years of difficult and complex war, unemployment is at a historic low, the stock exchange is climbing, hi-tech stocks are taking off, foreign investments flow in at a record-breaking pace, and the shekel is strong against the dollar and other foreign currency. As predicted in the Talmud, at the time of the Ingathering of the Exiles, the Land of Israel is giving forth its fruits ever so generously.

But of all the miracles, the biggest one is taking place in our life spirit. Despite the futile attempts, morning and evening, to convince us how terribly divided we are, the truth on the ground is diametrically the opposite: Israeli society is experiencing one of its greatest moments of unity in its history.

Hundreds of thousands of reservists and their families eagerly put their entire daily routines on hold and enlist to protect the homeland. Thousands of volunteers embrace our many bereaved families, medical teams act with endless sensitivity and compassion to rehabilitate the wounded, tens of thousands of youths volunteer in their communities, and businesses donate equipment and food on an unprecedented scale. All of this is happening across the political spectrum: right and left, religious, secular, and haredi. This is the unconditional love (Ahavat Chinam) of and within the Nation of Israel.

I'm not coming to whitewash the terrible prices that we have paid since Oct. 7, 2023. My eyes are not closed to the hardships, the pain, and the heavy crises we have undergone since then. We have paid in our must expensive currency: the lives of our best sons and daughters. The tears of the mothers, widows and children continue to sear our hearts. Not for naught do we pray on Rosh HaShanah, "May this year and its curses come to an end."

But alongside the pain, as the year of 5786 ends, it is incumbent upon us to view our nation and people, and G-d's blessings, in a generous and positive manner. We must and want to say Thank You with all our hearts for all the many miracles and great abundance of good that G-d has showered upon us this past year.

A moment after we completed our mission deep inside Lebanon, while wearing our uniforms filled with dust and sweat, we stood and prayed together: "So many great thanks for all the good and all the kindnesses, o dear Father in heaven."

Yes, we need many more of them, many more salvations and consolations. We pray that the new year be filled with blessing.

Hunger in Gaza? Obesity is on the Rise

by Hillel Fendel, former editor of Arutz-7's IsraelNationalNews.com.

UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund) has released new statistics showing that the famine in Gaza that Israel is widely accused of precipitating has now given way to a new trend: obesity.

According to the new report, malnutrition among children in Gaza is actually much lower than previously reported – a rate of 0.5 percent, one of the lowest rates of acute child malnutrition in the region. This, according to an analysis by The Free Press of data from the World Bank and the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a UN–affiliated hunger-monitoring system. The data were collected by the Gaza SMART Survey, conducted by the State of Palestine [sic] Nutrition Cluster, led by UNICEF; 1,335 children under five years old were included in the survey, conducted from May 31 until June 15 of this year.

A year ago, Gaza was officially declared a famine-stricken area, leading to widespread accusations against Israel. Israel maintained that it was allowing hundreds of truckloads of food each day into the Gaza Strip, but that Hamas was commandeering the supplies and selling them to the highest bidders or giving them to their own people.

The new report raises the question as to whether the original report was ever correct, or whether it was the results of distorted statistics, purposefully or otherwise.

The latest report shows that the rate of "wasting" – a medical term referring to extreme thinness indicating malnutrition – is "low across all [Gazan] sectors, indicating that acute, widespread malnutrition does not exist at the population level."

Not only do the figures show one of the lowest rates of acute childhood malnutrition in the entire region, researchers also found that only about 12% of children in Gaza suffer from stunted growth due to poor nutrition - less than half of the regional average, which stands at 26%.

"To be honest, I thought the figure [of stunted growth] would be much higher," admitted Elena Naumova, Chair of the Division of Nutrition Data Science at Tufts University in Boston.

The new UNICEF report reveals that Gaza is now facing a completely different challenge: obesity and overweight, which together affect about 4% of children under age five in Gaza. An astonished senior researcher who previously supervised data collection teams at the Africa Foundation noted that she had "never seen" the emergence of obesity in a place that had been declared a famine-stricken area just a year prior.

Hamas Steals and Diverts Aid

According to a report by the American Jewish Committee (AJC), "Delivering humanitarian assistance during an active armed conflict is extraordinarily complex... [In Gaza], one of the greatest challenges has been Hamas itself. Throughout the war, Israel, the United States, and numerous independent observers have documented instances in which Hamas stole, taxed, diverted, or otherwise exploited humanitarian assistance intended for Palestinian civilians." 

Just last month, COGAT – the Israeli Defense Ministry body charged with coordinating Government Activities in the Territories - remaining market distortions inside Gaza are now driven less by shortages than by Hamas's continued influence over commercial distribution mechanisms.

Hamas still diverts humanitarian aid, according to many Palestinian civilians, Israel, and numerous reports. The AJC report states: "Israeli intelligence, videos released during the war, statements from Palestinian Authority officials, and testimony from aid workers have all pointed to Hamas's efforts to control humanitarian assistance as a means of financing its operations and maintaining political authority inside Gaza."

Good News from Israel

by Hillel Fendel, former editor of Arutz-7's IsraelNationalNews.com.

** Two earthquake-plagued areas in Central and South America received major rescue and humanitarian aid from Israel this summer.

IsraAID, Israel’s largest non-governmental humanitarian aid agency, is currently in Colombia, responding to a devastating earthquake there. While multiple nations offered aid to Colombia, the government explicitly restricted physical search-and-rescue teams to only four countries – and Israel was one of them. IsraAID has had an active presence for more than five years in the country, working hand-in-hand with communities to address long-term humanitarian challenges and acute crises.

The earthquake, the most powerful in Colombia in at least a century, struck only days after newly inaugurated President Abelardo De La Espriella took office, promising reforms that include reversing his predecessor’s hostile diplomatic stance toward Israel.

** In July of this year, Israel sent a rescue delegation to Venezuela after that country suffered double earthquakes – and remained there for three weeks. The quakes, 7.2 and 7.5 on the Richter scale, respectively, claimed over 6,000 lives. Despite having no official diplomatic relations with Venezuela since 2009, Israel sent a technical aid delegation alongside IsraAID teams to provide immediate medical assistance, psychological first aid, and water infrastructure relief.

These two rescue missions, which followed two similar missions just this year alone – see below – are not only life-saving and diplomatically beneficial; they are also a form of fulfillment of Biblical prophecies. For instance, the prophet Tzefania (3,20) foretold that when, in the future, the Lord returns the Jews to the Land of Israel, He will "make [them] a name and a praise among all the peoples of the earth."

** Similarly, in recent months, Israel has targeted humanitarian relief to vulnerable displaced populations in South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the former, organized a widespread distribution of emergency food and sanitation supplies to roughly 2,000 families suffering from severe food shortages, and in the Congo, Israeli teams worked alongside local partners to combat a spreading Ebola outbreak.

“As you know, we have experience in Israel,” the IDF’s Spanish-language spokesman, Maj. (res.) Roni Kaplan, told reporters in Colombia. “Sometimes, unfortunately, our enemies launch missiles at densely populated civilian areas, leaving civilians under the rubble. And today we are taking the knowledge in this field developed by Israel and making it available to Colombian citizens. Hopefully, we can contribute our small part here," Kapan said. "Hope in Judaism is not something that we have to wait for in the future; it is something that we have to work toward. And that is what we are doing; we are working."

Concern for Human Life and Dignity

** Just this week, Israel proved also that it spares no efforts to find and return its own people – dead or alive. Today (Aug. 18), Prime Minister Netanyahu announced that Israel had recovered, after 44 years, the remains of IDF tank officer Yehuda Yekutiel Katz, who was killed during the Battle of Sultan Yacoub in Lebanon during the Peace for Galilee War. The remains were recovered in a joint operation by the IDF and the Mossad. For many years, the remains of two other missing fallen soldiers from that battle were also missing, until Israel succeeded in finding them and having them returned to Israel.

Across the Globe

** In another show of Israel's concern for human life, an Israeli mother and daughter, in their 50's and 20's, respectively, went missing in Austria for a full week – until they were safely located in Argentina by Israeli police three days ago. No foul play is suspected, but Israel showed that it spared no efforts in order to bring the case to closure for all concerned.

** In other good news, though on a totally different plane, senior political and economic analyst Dr. Guy Bechor presented today what he termed a "historic" piece of data regarding Israel's economy. "Israel's GDP (gross domestic product) surged in the second quarter of the year to an annualized rate of 15.4%, while growth in "Western" economies is hovering around zero." He notes that Israel's economy grew by only around 10% over the previous two years combined – which is largely due to the war conditions since the Hamas massacre of Oct. 7, 2023.

"Phenomenal!" and "a world-class achievement" is how Dr. Bechor described this accomplishment. He credited Finance Minister Betzalel Smotrich for this quarter's historic growth: "This man is insanely talented, with diligence the likes of which we have never seen. He has scored tremendous achievements in the economy and in Judea and Samaria. He hasn't rested for a minute for four years."

"Full disclosure:" Dr. Bechor continued. "I have never met Mr. Smotrich, I have not had any connection with him or anyone on his behalf, and I need nothing from him – other than that he remains Finance Minister for another four years."

Illusion in Lebanon: The Lebanese Army is Not the Solution, but the Problem

by Anna Slotzkin, among the founders of the Uri Tzafon (Awaken, O North!) movement, translated by Hillel Fendel.

Israel's political and military establishments seem to have a frighteningly short memory. In fact, we are witness to a dangerous governmental attempt to revive the same old murderous "conception" that brought upon us terrible calamities in the not-so-distant past.

The latest plan for our northern border currently on the table, known by the laundered term "pilot plan" (as if it was not meant to be permanent), proposes the same old recipe that has been tried, with tragic results, in the past: The IDF is to withdraw from the areas it captured in southern Lebanon, the Lebanese Army will take its place there, and the Americans will "supervise" from afar, giving all of us a dangerously misleading sense of security.

In practice, hiding behind the word "pilot" is a very bitter reality: a bona-fide retreat of Israeli forces and an abandonment of strategic pieces of land that the best of our sons, brave IDF warriors, captured with their blood and heroism over the course of almost three years. (Nearly 160 Israelis have been murdered by Hizbullah during this period, including about 40 in 2026.) Two large areas of land have already been turned over to the Lebanese, who this week proposed that two more territories be included in this "pilot." This, despite the fact that the Lebanese Army has never displayed any ability – nor even willingness! – to effectively clash with the Hizbullah terrorists controlling their country. 

Those who try to pass off the Lebanese Army as a "solution" are simply throwing sand into Israeli eyes, and particularly of those of who live in the north. The reality on the ground is becoming more and more obvious, and that is that the Lebanese military is not simply ignoring Hizbullah activity, but is actually actively cooperating with it. Its army is not a sovereign, independent force that can enforce law and order, but rather one that lives and breathes the terrorist organization with which it works hand in hand.

The Lebanese Army refrains from any and all clashes with Hizbullah. Instead, it grants them an umbrella of protection and enable them to remain the true bosses in southern Lebanon. To expect that such an organization will suddenly become a defender of Israel's Galilee is somewhere between stupidity and a downright security disaster.  

We've already gone through this before. We saw what the UN peacekeeping force UNIFIL was worth after UN Resolution 1701 was adopted in 2006. The resolution stipulated the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon, and the establishment of a buffer zone manned only by the Lebanese military (which cooperated with Hizbullah) and UNIFIL (which became live shields for Hizbullah terrorists). We must not allow our control in southern Lebanon, achieved with blood and tears, to be replaced by another "been there, done that" experiment on the backs of the tens of thousands of Israel who have been displaced from their homes for over a year.

The Uri Tzafon movement seeks to say as clearly as possible that which many are afraid to say aloud: True security for the Galilee and all of Israel will come not from the Lebanese Army, collaborating with Hizbullah, and certainly not from UNIFIL disguised as peacekeepers. It will come only from settlement.

All of Zionist history teaches us this one simple lesson: Where the Jewish plow passes, there's a border and there's security. Withdrawals and understandings will not bring peace. The only solution that is real, ethical, and safe is one that involves complete military control of the areas previously occupied by terrorists – and then wide-ranging Jewish settlement there; yes, there in southern Lebanon. Only land that is settled by Jews can be a true living and breathing security zone, guaranteeing that no other threat will ever arise against the residents of northern Israel.

In fact, steps are being taken in this direction. Families in northern Israel have been crossing the border once in a while, seeking to set some facts, if not on the ground yet, then in our consciousness. Yes, our forces broke through the old border-fence and replaced it with a wall, but in truth, there is no need for either: The best will be that instead of terrorists crossing over into Israel while we tremble passively by, it should be us pioneer settlers who should be crossing northwards, to conquer the inheritance of our forefathers.

These pioneering families are calling upon our government to Wake Up! Instead of investing millions in the construction of walls and fences and new conceptions that simply harm our security and create false illusions of safety and protection and cooperation with the Lebanese Army, let us settle north of the border and grant genuine security to our State.

The time has come to internalize that only settlement in southern Lebanon will bring true security!

Twenty Years After: Legendary Hero's Final Moments Remembered

by Hillel Fendel, former editor of Arutz-7's IsraelNationalNews.com.

The IDF Censor still does not permit his photo to be published, but Lt.-Col. Emanuel Moreno was remembered this week on the 20^th anniversary of his death during the Second Lebanon War. He served in the IDF's most elite unit, Sayeret Matkal (the General Staff Reconnaissance Unit), and is credited with having taken part in the greatest number of operations in the unit's history. 

He is publicly acknowledged to have participated in only two of them: the 1994 abduction of Lebanese terrorist commander Mustafa Dirani, who had held missing Israeli navigator Ron Arad, and the 2003 rescue of taxi driver Eliyahu Gorel, kidnapped by Palestinian terrorists and held near in a village north of Jerusalem.

It was reported this week that one of the few occasions that Moreno considered a personal defeat was shortly after he discovered where kidnapped IDF soldier Gilad Shalit was being held by Hamas terrorists in Gaza. Emanuel prepared a plan for Shalit's rescue, presented it to the Chief of Staff and Prime Minister – and they turned it down. Their fear was that its price in soldiers' lives might be too high, but Moreno was sorely disappointed and frustrated at what he felt was a lack of leadership and courage.

Arutz-7's Shimon Cohen, who studied with Moreno in the pre-military academy in Eli, wrote this week:

"It's impossible not to dream what 'could' have been. If Emanuel's plan had been carried out and succeeded, like others that he led and initiated, we would not have had to release 1,027 terrorists in exchange for Gilad Shalit – including hundreds with blood on their hands, especially Oct. 7^th mastermind Yihye Sinwar. We can only imagine how Israeli history over the past 15 years would have looked had Sinwar and his cronies not been released then.

"It's true that the architects of anti-Israel terrorism knew how to pull its strings even from with prison wall, but there is certainly no comparison between a terrorist leader in prison and one who is free of constraints...

"Yes, there is great disappointment with our leaders of then, whose fears apparently cost us so much more than the price they were afraid to pay. But it is incumbent upon us to remember at the same time that our there is much that we do not know and probably never will know. How many massacres and mass terrorist attacks were prevented, with G-d's help, in the merit of the dedication and initiative of dedicated fighters such as Emanuel Moreno and others in elite units, air force squadrons, infantry, armored units, intelligence, and more! Our thanks to all."

Another Arutz-7 correspondent, Dvir Amar, reports that at a 20th memorial this week for Lt.-Col. Moreno - whose photograph is still censored for reasons that can only be surmised – a medic who attempted unsuccessfully to save Moreno's life told of his short but meaningful acquaintance with the hero:

"I was one of Emanuel's underlings at the time, a new, young combat soldier. But I well remember the sense of security and optimism that his presence conveyed to everyone there… Shortly before the incident in which he was killed, we were on our way back from a successful mission, and Moreno's happiness was clear to all. His emotions were felt by everyone. He was really in the clouds, just overjoyed at the results and at how our unit had worked together. And he remained that way up to the final seconds – because then we realized that something was going down. Emanuel was the first to realize it, and he abruptly and firmly said, 'Something is happening here.'"

In fact, on their way back from the secret mission to prevent the smuggling of Iranian and Syrian weapons to Hizbullah, they had fallen into a murderous Hizbullah ambush in southern Lebanon - even though a ceasefire had been declared shortly beforehand.

The former soldier said at this week's memorial, "I was a medic, and after Emanuel was hit, I was the one who took him out of the jeep and started life-saving operations. But I soon saw that it was too late… I remember seeing his eyes still open, but realizing that he was no longer with us. I closed his eyes, and said, 'Dear brother, you're now in a place that's all good.'"

The soldier recounted that he has never told that story publicly before, because of its personal nature. "It took me 20 years to tell this… His final minutes left an amazing impression. The strength that he gave all of us, even then – that was truly Emanuel."

For more information on Emanuel Moreno, see https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/122213

From a collection of stories about Emanuel Moreno:
The Value of Five Seconds (from a letter to Emanuel's family)

I would like to share with you a conversation I had with Emanuel on Friday, just a few hours before we boarded the helicopter. I don't remember the exact words, but this is the gist of it. We sat and talked about different things that could happen to us, and what we would do in each case. This was just two weeks after the sad incident in which a helicopter was hit by a rocket and five soldiers were killed, and so there was a general vague apprehension regarding flying in helicopters over Lebanon.

Emanuel asked me, "So what would you do if, G-d forbid, our chopper is hit by a missile and you have five seconds left until it crashes?" I answered, "I don't know. I guess I would be very sad and scared, and I would close my eyes and wait for it to end as quickly and painlessly as possible." Emanuel thought for a moment and then said, "What I would do, and this is what you should do too, is to say 'Shma Yisrael.'" I looked at him and said, "OK, you'll say Shma Yisrael. But what will it give you? No matter what, a second later, the crash will come and we'll all die."

And then he answered me something that has remained with me until now, and I'm convinced it will remain with me all my life: "If a person has five seconds left to live, and those seconds still have significance for him and aspiration for what comes afterwards, that means that his whole life had meaning. But if the person has five seconds left and he doesn't realize their importance, then apparently his whole life had no meaning. For we don't live just to satisfy our desires, or just for momentary pleasures; our lives are rather a step on the way to the next stage."

This sentence has been with me from the moment of the terrible incident, and it helps me, in that I know that as far as Emanuel was concerned, his life did not end with that terrible wound that killed him. Rather, just one stage ended on the way to the next stage, one that is even more important than this one - a stage that can be reached only by living this life. I am not a religious person, but I believe that Emanuel's strong faith helped him get through all the difficult times of his life calmly and serenely - and especially from the time he was hit until he died. For me, this is something very strengthening.